We could work together to set a new agenda to restore the stolen pride and peace of Africa continent.
|Posted by The Reunion Black Family on May 23, 2015 at 4:50 AM||comments (0)|
Obelisk Axum's returned to Ethiopia after 68 years Looted By The Italian Troops
The first piece of a huge 20,000-year-old granite obelisk was returned home from Italy to Ethiopia yesterday, 68 years after it was looted by the troops of the fascist Italian dictator Benito Mussolini.
The 58-tonne middle section of the funeral stone was returned from Rome to the northern Ethiopian town of Axum at sunrise in a cargo plane and was greeted by Ethiopians chanting prayers and weeping with joy.
Axum, now a town of 60,000 people, is the former centre of the once powerful Axumite kingdom that lasted from just before the time of the birth of Biblic stores until the 12th century.
The 24-metre (80ft) high stone, which is seen as an important national symbol in Ethiopia, was taken in 1937 on the orders of Mussolini. Its return ends a dispute that has raged since 1947, when Italy signed a pledge to the United Nations to give back all the property plundered from Ethiopia
The stone will remain under armed guard at Axum's airport until its two remaining pieces are flown in from Rome later this month as part of a £4m restoration project. When all the pieces have arrived, they will be transported on trucks to a final resting place three miles away. The reassembled funeral stone will then be erected alongside six other obelisks that once dominated the skyline of the Axum empire.
Officials said the return of the stones could set a precedent for the return of other sacred Ethiopian objects and ancient artefacts that were looted by British troops and later locked up in British museums, royal palaces and private collections.
As the obelisk was unloaded, Giorgio Croci, professor of engineering for ancient monuments at the University of Rome, said: "Inevitably this could open the floodgates. This is a part of the Ethiopian culture and history and we realise how important it is to this country and its people."
When it was removed by the Italians, the obelisk was in fragments, having been toppled during a 16th century Muslim rebellion. The weight of the fragments pushed the limits of military vehicles and makeshift roads and bridges built by the Italians. Once in Rome, it was restored with metal rods embedded in concrete. The restoration made it difficult to disassemble, but the obelisk was dismantled at the end of 2003 from where it stood near the Circus Maximus in central Rome.
The Ethiopians are delighted at the return
|Posted by The Reunion Black Family on May 11, 2015 at 10:55 AM||comments (0)|
Noam Chomsky: Reagan was an ‘extreme racist’ who re-enslaved African-Americans
In an interview with GRITtv’s Laura Flanders, linguist and political analyst Noam Chomsky discussed how the events in Ferguson, Missouri and the protests that followed demonstrate just how little race relations in the United States have advanced since the end of the Civil War.
“This is a very racist society,” Chomsky said, “it’s pretty shocking. What’s happened to African-Americans in the last 30 years is similar to what [Douglas Blackmon in Slavery by Another Name: The Re-Enslavement of Black Americans from the Civil War to World War II] describes happening in the late 19th Century.”
Blackmon’s book describes what he calls the “Age of Neoslavery,” in which newly freed slaves found themselves entangled in a legal system built upon involuntary servitude — which included the selling of black men convicted of crimes like vagrancy and changing employers without receiving permission.
“The constitutional amendments that were supposed to free African-American slaves did something for about 10 years, then there was a North-South compact that granted the former the slave-owning states the right to do whatever they wanted,” he explained. “And what they did was criminalize black life, and that created a kind of slave force. It threw mostly black males into jail, where they became a perfect labor force, much better than slaves.”
“If you’re a slave owner, you have to pay for — you have to keep your ‘capital’ alive. But if the state does it for you, that’s terrific. No strikes, no disobedience, the perfect labor force. A lot of the American Industrial Revolution in the late 19th, early 20th Century was based on that. It pretty must lasted until World War II.”
“After that,” Chomsky said, “African-Americans had about two decades in which they had a shot of entering [American] society. A black worker could get a job in an auto plant, as the unions were still functioning, and he could buy a small house and send his kid to college. But by the 1970s and 1980s it’s going back to the criminalization of black life.”
“It’s called the drug war, and it’s a racist war. Ronald Reagan was an extreme racist — though he denied it — but the whole drug war is designed, from policing to eventual release from prison, to make it impossible for black men and, increasingly, women to be part of [American] society.”
“In fact,” he continued, “if you look at American history, the first slaves came over in 1619, and that’s half a millennium. There have only been three or four decades in which African-Americans have had a limited degree of freedom — not entirely, but at least some.”
“They have been re-criminalized and turned into a slave labor force — that’s prison labor,” Chomsky concluded. “This is American history. To break out of that is no small trick.”
Watch the entire interview via GRITtv on YouTube below. https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=5meC4Z61qGg#t=28
|Posted by The Reunion Black Family on May 11, 2015 at 10:30 AM||comments (1)|
Black Women Prisoners Sterilized To Cut Welfare Costs In California.
Well, this is a story I never thought I’d be reading.
In California of all places, prison doctors have sterilized over 150 Black women. Why? They don’t want to have to provide welfare funding for any children they may have in the future.
The sterilization procedures cost California taxpayers $147,460 between 1997 and 2010. The doctors at the prison argue it is money well-spent.
Dr. James Heinrich, an OB-GYN at Valley State Prison for Women, said, “Over a 10-year period, that isn’t a huge amount of money compared to what you save in welfare paying for these unwanted children – as they procreated more.”
Although such procedures may seem harsh, they are not illegal. The Supreme Court ruled in 1927 that women can be forcibly sterilized in jail in Buck vs Bell. Writing for the majority, Supreme Court Justice Oliver Wendell Holmes, Jr. said, “Three generations of imbeciles are enough.”
Holmes wrote, “We have seen more than once that the public welfare may call upon the best citizens for their lives. It would be strange if it could not call upon those who already sap the strength of the state for these lesser sacrifices, often not felt to be such by those concerned, in order to prevent our being swamped with incompetence.”
In the California prisons, the jailed women are not being forced to be sterilized. But the women say they get pressured by the doctors to make the decision. One inmate said, “I figured that’s just what happens in prison – that that’s the best kind of doctor you’re going get.”
There is a regulation in California that requires state approval for each sterilization procedure. Doctors at the prison were able to get around that, however. The prison medical manager said she signed off on the sterilizations since Heinrich listed them as a “medical emergency.”
Do you think these sterilizations are wrong? On one hand, the very idea is somewhat disturbing. On the other hand, however, it likely does prevent more generations of (expensive) children exposed to drug and crime filled lives.
African-American women as experimental subjects in slavery .Dr J. Marion Sims experimental surgeries without anesthesia on enslaved African-American women who could not consent are considered by some to be symbolic of the violent oppression of blacks and vulnerable populations in the United States
|Posted by The Reunion Black Family on May 11, 2015 at 4:50 AM||comments (0)|
US Museum returns looted 10th century statue to Cambodia.
An American museum has returned a 10th-century sandstone statue of the Hindu monkey god Hanuman to Cambodia, decades after it was looted from a jungle temple when the kingdom was in the throes of civil war.
The metre-high statue was stolen in the 1970s from the Koh Ker temple site near the famed Angkor Wat complex.
The artwork, which had been in the possession of the Cleveland Museum of Art in the US since 1982, was received by Cambodian officials on late Sunday night, an official said.
Buddhist monks chanted blessings and scattered flowers over the statue upon its arrival at Phnom Penh International Airport, according to an AFP photographer.
"We welcome back the statue of Hanuman from the Cleveland Museum of Art in the US," Chan Tani, Cambodian Secretary of State for the Cabinet Office, told reporters.
The museum agreed to return the artwork after negotiations, but Chan Tani did not say how the museum came into possession of the artifact.
Last year, Cambodia received three ancient statues looted from the kingdom more than 40 years ago, including one -- Duryodhana -- retrieved after a long legal battle in the US.
In June 2013, two other 10th century Khmer era statues known as the "Kneeling Attendants" were returned. They were also looted in the 1970s from the Koh Ker temple site and were on show for 20 years at New York's Metropolitan Museum of Art.
The statues are considered pieces of extraordinary value to the Cambodian people and part of their cultural heritage.
|Posted by The Reunion Black Family on April 24, 2015 at 10:30 AM||comments (0)|
How the War on Drugs Contributes to the "1.5 Million Missing Black Men" We Charge Genocide: 1.5 Million Black Men (Missing in America)
Where did all the Black men go? Analysis of population data shows so many Black males have gone to prison, died of disease of accidents, or by violence, that Black females in many communities outnumber Black men by ratios of 6 to 10. A national policy of mass Black incarceration is the primary factor – a factual basis for a
On Monday, the New York Times wrote a deeply upsetting piece titled, “1.5 Million Missing Black Men.”
According to the Times, “Black women who are 25 to 54 and not in jail outnumber black men in that category by 1.5 million. …For every 100 black women in this age group living outside of jail, there are only 83 black men. Among whites, the equivalent number is 99.”
The primary reasons the 1.5 million men are missing from their communities is because they are behind bars or because of early death, the story noted.
The number are shocking and offensive. The Times states, “One out of 6 black men who today should be between 25 and 54 years have disappeared from daily life.”
While the article makes clear that incarceration is a major reason for so many African Americans are removed from their communities, they don’t identify the role of the war on drugs in mass incarceration. Roughly 500,000 of the 2.4 million people behind bars are there for a drug offense. America is the number one jailer in the planet, with under five percent of the world’s population but 25 percent of the world’s prisoners.
And it may not surprise you that there are gross racial disparities in when it comes to who ends up behind bars for drugs. According to Human Rights Watch, African Americans go to jail or prison 10 times the rate of Whites, despite similar drug use.
There is some sick hypocrisy in our country.
Despite a $40 billion a year "war on drugs" and political speeches about a "drug-free society," our society is swimming in drugs. Every day millions use cigarettes, sugar, alcohol, marijuana, Prozac, Ritalin, Viagra, steroids, cocaine and caffeine to get themselves through the day. There are drugs on every Ivy League campus in this country and drugs are flowing on Wall Street. The vast majority of Americans use drugs on a regular basis.
While it is clear that drug use doesn’t discriminate, the reality is that the war on drug users does discriminate. The ACLU found racial disparities in every single state in the country, with blacks getting arrested for marijuana from three to 10 times the rates of Whites.
From New York to Ferguson, and all across the country we see law enforcement target people of color. Thanks to stop and frisks and racial profiling, blacks are ticketed and arrested at outrageous rates for doing the exact same thing whites do.
The “1.5 Million Missing Black Men” needs to be a wake-up call. We can not allow one out of 6 black men to go missing. And ending the war on drugs is an important, concrete step to addressing this.
Tony Newman is the director of media relations at the Drug Policy Alliance (www.drugpolicy.org)
“The war of attrition is a race war.”
Black life in America does not start out with these bizarre imbalances between the sexes. There is no gender gap among Blacks in childhood. Roughly the same number of boys and girls are born, and the ratio stays stable until the teenage years, when the war of attrition begins mercilessly grinding down the numbers of Black males. How else is this phenomenon to be described except as a war, in which 600,000 are held captive during their most productive years, 200,000 are killed by violence, and most of the rest go to early graves from accidents and diseases that cause far lower casualties among whites.
The data show that U.S. society has become much more toxic for Black men during the very period in which Blacks were supposedly making such fantastic “progress.” The numbers show that the missing-Black-men phenomenon “began growing in the middle decades of the 20th century.” The increasing ratio of Black women to men is primarily a product of the age of mass Black incarceration. The war of attrition is a race war deliberately and methodically initiated by the U.S. government, the effects of which have been devastating to Black society on the most fundamental level: stunting the formation of Black families and the Black American group as a whole by physically removing and eliminating the men.
The data support a totally plausible, factually grounded charge of genocide, based on international law. The U.S. government, through its mass Black incarceration policies of the last half century, has been guilty of a) “deliberately inflicting on the group conditions of life calculated to bring about its physical destruction in whole or in part,” as well as b) “causing serious bodily or mental harm to members of the group.”
The facts bear witness to the indictment. So do 1.5 million missing Black men.
|Posted by The Reunion Black Family on April 23, 2015 at 2:30 AM||comments (0)|
South Africa and end of Ubuntu by Debbie Ariyo.
If you grew up in my generation in Nigeria, you could not fail to know about apartheid South Africa. At school, we learnt about Nelson and Winnie Mandela, Amandla, Oliver Tambo,Steven Biko Black consciousness, the 1976 Soweto killings of fellow schoolchildren and the brutal effects of the apartheid regime. Our parents were asked — and many did not object — to having money deducted from their salaries to help fund the work of the anti-apartheid movement. On TV, we learnt about how men, women and children were reduced to second class citizens in their own country. The image of Soweto as a horrible slum where many black people were restricted after dark was etched on our memory.
Nigeria of course was at the forefront of pushing for economic boycott of South Africa in solidarity with the oppressed blacks and as a way of forcing the apartheid regime to relent. Then Head of State, Olusegun Obasanjo, in utter desperation and exasperation, even came up with the idea of using “African juju” to fight the racist Pietha Botha and his ilk. If there was ever any demonstration of “ubuntu” — “all for one” in action, the key role that many African countries like Nigeria played in supporting and pushing for change in South Africa was one.
But aside from this, the struggle for freedom in South Africa was also etched on my mind as part of my personal growth and educational development. As an undergraduate at the University of Benin, I was privileged to have strong “Marxist” lecturers like Tunde Fatunde and Frank Dimowo who mentored so many students. I still remember Fatunde’s office. It had a huge poster of the young Nelson Mandela. That memory of the poster was so ingrained in my mind that I was a bit lost when Mandela was released from prison – he looked so much older than in the poster!
Nigerians therefore did not just financially support South Africa, their pain was our pain – all for one. Many South Africans who managed to escape the apartheid regime were given a home in Nigeria. I have friends who named their children “Mandela” or Amandla” – all signs of support and solidarity with the anti-apartheid movement. Even though I had left Nigeria in 1990 when Mandela was released from prison, it was such a joyful moment to see him walk hand in hand down the street with the great Winnie Mandela – my heroine!
This little bit of a background is essential to provide an insight into the mind of an average Nigerian like myself in relation to the ongoing xenophobic attacks and killings of foreigners by black South Africans in the country. Of course, this is not the first time such violence would occur. The first outburst of violence was in 2008 when Thabo Mbeki was President (Mbeki, in case you never knew, also spent about seven years in Nigeria in exile during apartheid). The attitude and response by the government were delayed and tepid – very much like now. I was so appalled by the images I saw on TV, I decided not to visit the country and only made it last year.
However, five years down the line and those images are back – but this time more brutal, more gruesome and more deadly. It seems like black South Africans who for about a century had been oppressed, suppressed and hurt are now waking up to their pain with a relentless attempt at vengeance. Only that the vengeance is misdirected. The new victims of South Africa’s brutality are the black African foreigners and the non-citizens like the Nigerians, Zimbabweans, and Malawians. The people being targeted are those perceived to be weaker and more vulnerable – a sort of pedagogy of the oppressed, the weak oppressing the weaker.
It is not difficult to understand some of the factors responsible for the anger most black South Africans feel. Years after the end of apartheid and the instalment of black majority rule, most of them still live in abject poverty. So many jobs that cannot be filled by citizens have been opened up to foreigners. It is said that over 40 per cent of the medical doctors in the country are of Nigerian origin.
Unfortunately, what South Africans don’t realise is that attacking foreigners is not in any way going to solve their problems. Indeed, while this is a wake-up call for the South African government, the consequences of these xenophobic killings and attacks are far-reaching. The bond between South Africa and the rest of the continent – built and sustained by the spirit of “ubuntu” in the fight against apartheid is well and truly broken. In retaliation for the attacks on their citizens, South Africans and South African businesses in other countries are being targeted. There are diplomatic rows between Zimbabwe and South Africa. Robert Mugabe who also played a key role in supporting exiled members of the African National Congress during apartheid is of course mightily disappointed by how his country is now being repaid by the so-called “brothers”.
It will take a long time for the wounds caused by this great betrayal to heal. For now, the spirit of “ubuntu” is no more, killed no less by those who birthed it. By Debbie Ariyo.
|Posted by The Reunion Black Family on April 15, 2015 at 10:10 AM||comments (0)|
XENOPHOBIA IN SOUTH AFRICA 2015 : MOST OF UNBELIEVABLE SHOCKING VIDEOS THAT THE MEDIA HIDE
OVER a thousand Africa immigrants in South Africa have fled their homes following a series of violent attacks by locals in the eastern port city of Durban, police said on Thursday.
The immigrants, mostly African, have been housed at police stations and tents, as angry locals vowed to push them out—in South Africa’s latest case of xenophobic unrest.
They said they were intimidated to vacate their homes by locals and came to us because they feared for their lives,” police spokesman Thulani Zwane said.
The attacks came days after Zulu king Goodwill Zwelithini publicly said immigrants should “pack their bags and leave” the country.
The comments made during a traditional event north of KwaZulu Natal province were widely reported.
Similar statements have been made by President Jacob Zuma’s son Edward.
Locals and African immigrants in South African often compete for scarce jobs, making them a target for violence and intimidation.
Early this year, foreign shopkeepers in and around Soweto, south of Johannesburg, were forced to vacate their premises after violence and looting broke out.
The government condemned the violence and sent mediation teams to intervene.
In 2008, 62 people were killed in xenophobic violence in Johannesburg townships.
Over 1,000 Africans flee homes after xenophobic attacks in South Africa
|Posted by Bro. Akil on April 12, 2015 at 7:15 AM||comments (1)|
White America racist .Obama Helped Elect Militant Muslim Muhammad Buhari Over Christian Incumbent In Nigeria! Dick Morris
|Posted by The Reunion Black Family on April 5, 2015 at 1:45 PM||comments (0)|
Obama Helped Elect Militant Muslim Muhammad Buhari Over Christian Incumbent In Nigeria! Dick Morris TV
Racist white supremacist's. This is how they inflicted genocide in Africa Nations. Go and killed yourselves white racist.
Nigerians elected who we think will help us clean our country of curruptions .Mad man close your mouth will don't need your help will all know where the shoe pain us Obama do not tell us to vote ok,Nigeria is not Christian/Muslim Nation we are Afrikan.
Either Christian or Muslim the fact is that we are all Nigerians and the incoming govt is fully aware that they are voted in by every religions in Nigeria and if Nigeria becomes the best place to live in today world it won't be only for Christians or only for Muslims or Afrikanism belivers. We demand for better Nigeria from outgoing goverment and it's obvious that they lack the will and the strength to deliver and then masses flushed them out. Therefore it would be amount to hypocrisy on the part of any American or British to go on air and be saying all sort of senseless things like this.
"If you do not understand Racism-White Supremacy, what it is, how it works, everything you understand will only confuse you."- Neely Fuller Jr.
A MUST WATCH VIDEO!!!
FREE to SHARE
"If you do not understand Racism-White Supremacy, what it is, how it works, everything you understand will only confuse you."- Neely Fuller Jr.
|Posted by The Reunion Black Family on April 5, 2015 at 12:40 PM||comments (0)|
Why Are So Many of Africa’s Leaders Corrupt? Simple. Because the West Kills the Good Ones.Not All African Leaders Are Corrupt, But the Ones Who Aren’t Are Eliminated by the West.
Whenever anyone points to the troubles facing countries in Africa, it is inevitable that corrupt African heads of state and their cronies will shoulder the blame. Corruption is a serious issue on the continent. No one denies that. What is never discussed, however, is how upright African leaders are routinely eliminated by the West and intentionally replaced with puppets.
A 2014 article from Silicon Africa drives home this point:
In fact, during the last 50 years, a total of 67 coups happened in 26 countries in Africa, 16 of those countries are french ex-colonies, which means 61% of the coups happened in Francophone Africa.
Number of Coups in Africa by country
Ex French colonies Other African countries
Country Number of coup Country number of coup
Togo 2 Eyadema and his son Egypte 2
Tunisia 2 Libye 2
Cote d’Ivoire 2 Equatorial Guinea 1
Madagascar 1 Guinea Bissau 2
Rwanda 1 Liberia 2
Algeria 2 Nigeria 3
Congo – RDC 2
Mali 2 Ouganda 4
Guinea Conakry 2 Soudan 5
SUB-TOTAL 1 13
Central Africa 4
Burkina Faso 5
SUB-TOTAL 2 32
TOTAL (1 + 2) 48 TOTAL 22
As these numbers demonstrate, France is quite desperate but active to keep a strong hold on his colonies what ever the cost, no matter what.
Sankara, a Marxist and pan-Africanist, transformed the former French colony of Upper Volta into Burkina Faso, which means “Land of the Upright Men”. He became president in 1983 after an internal power struggle and launched nationalisation, land redistribution and grand social programmes in one of the world’s poorest countries. During his four-year rule, school attendance leaped from 6% to 22%, some 2.5 million children were vaccinated and thousands of health centres opened. Housing, road and railway building projects got under way and 10 million trees were planted.
One wonders if African leaders are corrupt because they understand the inevitable consequence of being upright in a world designed to enrich Western countries and entrench white supremacy.
No matter what you believe, Thomas Sankara’s story is worth knowing and, if possible, emulating. This hour long documentary is a good place to start:
|Posted by The Reunion Black Family on April 1, 2015 at 5:30 PM||comments (0)|
THE HISTORICAL ACCEPTANCE SPEECH BY GENERAL BUHARI.
GENERAL MUHAMMAD BUHARI'S FIRST ACCEPTANCE SPEECH. Real historic victory. President-Elect General Muhammad Buhari started his speech with the neutral and unifying NATIONAL ANTHEM OF NIGERIA and not with sectarian religious quotations. This is a powerful expression of his desire to build a Reasonable and Pluralistic State.
1 April 2015 | 11:06 am
Your Excellency, the Vice President elect, Professor Yemi Osinbajo, your Excellency, Chief Rotimi Amaechi, the Director General of APC Presidential Campaign, 2015, your Excellency, the former Governor of Edo State and National Chairman of our great party, your Excellency the Governor Imo State, Rochas Okorocha, your Excellency, the former Governor of Imo State, Dr Ogbonaya Onu, Your Excellency, the former Governor of Ekiti State, Engineer Oni, your Excellency the former Governor of Kwara, Bokola Saraki, your Excellency, the Speaker of the House of Representative, Honourable Aminu Tambuwal, Please, let me stand on existing protocol.
Focus words of General Muhammadu Buhari’s speech
At exactly 5:15 yesterday (Tuesday) evening, President Jonathan called to congratulate me on my victory.
For this, I want all Nigerians to join me in congratulating and appreciating Mr President for his statesmanship.
President Jonathan was a worthy opponent. I extend my hand of fellowship to him.
I look forward to meeting him soon, as we plan the transition from one administration to another.
He will receive nothing but cooperation and understanding from me, who led this nation to democracy.
You stood in line patiently for hours; in the rain, in the sun and then in the dark to cast your votes. Even when the vote was extended to Sunday in some places, you still performed your civic duties. You did so peacefully.
You voted with your heart. Your vote affirms that you believe Nigeria’s future can be better than what it is today.
You voted for change and now change has come.
INEC has released the official result of the Presidential Election. INEC has declared that I gained the most votes with the required spread and won this election.
In a more profound way, it is you, Nigerians that have won,”
The people have shown their love for our nation and their belive in democracy.
The declaration of INEC accurately reflects the will of the people.
While there might have been some logistical obstacles and irregularities associated with the exercise, the result shall stand as what the people want.
I thank all Nigerians who have made this day possible, our country has now joined the community of nations that have used the ballot box to physically change an incumbent president in a free and fair election
To me, this is indeed historic.
Most people will welcome the result because it is the one they voted for. Others will literarily be disappointed. I ask that we all be circumspect, respectful and peaceful in these times. This was a hard-fought contest. Emotions were high. We must not allow them to get the better of us.
This is not the time for confrontation. This is a moment that we must begin to heal the wounds and work toward a better future.
We do this first by extending a hand of friendship and conciliation across the political divide. We hope and pray our friends in other parties reciprocate.
I thank all the members of the All Progressives Congress, the APC, for their commitment and their hard work through the formation of the party, the campaigns and the presidential elections.
Let me equally express my appreciation to the media, civil society and security agencies for their selfless service. The international press and our friends abroad deserve a fair commendation for their support throughout the process.
We promise a robust and dynamic engagement with your countries in matters of mutual interest.
In the interim, I call on all Nigerians to be law abiding and peaceful.
The eyes of the world were focused on us to see if we can vote in a peaceful way and carry out elections in an orderly manner.
We have proven to the world that we are a people who have embraced democracy and a people who seek a government by, for and for the people.
We have put one party state behind us. We have voted for a government that will serve and govern, but will never rule over you.
CHANGE has come and a new day and a new Nigeria is upon us.
The victory is yours and the glory is that of our nation, NIGERIA.
I will make a more formal address to the nation, later in the afternoon after I receive the certificate of return from the INEC.
May God Bless the Federal Republic of Nigeria.
Nigeria’s President Elect
|Posted by The Reunion Black Family on April 1, 2015 at 5:10 PM||comments (0)|
MY 100 DAYS COVENANT WITH NIGERIANS- Nigeria New Elected President Muhammad BUHARI
General Mohammadu Buhari, APC Presidential candidate has announced to Nigerians what he will strive to achieve in his first 100 days as President and Commander-In-Chief of Nigeria’s Armed Forces:
Corruption and Governance
I pledge to:
· Publicly declare my assets and liabilities
· Encourage all my appointees to publicly declare their assets and liabilities as a pre-condition for appointment. All political appointees will only earn the salaries and allowances determined by the Revenue Mobilization and Fiscal Allocation Commission (RMFAC).
· Personal leadership in the war against corruption
· Inaugurate the National Council on Procurement as stipulated in the Procurement Act. The Federal Executive Council, which has been turned to a weekly session of contract bazaar, will concentrate on its principal function of policy making.
· Review and implement audit recommendations by Nigeria Extractive Industries Transparency Initiative including those on remittances and remediation.
· Work with the National Assembly towards the immediate enactment of a Whistle Blower Act
· Work with the National Assembly to strengthen ICPC and EFCC by guaranteeing institutional autonomy including financial and prosecutorial independence and security of tenure of officials. Make the Financial Intelligence Unit of the EFCC autonomous and operational.
· Encourage proactive disclosure of information by government institutions in the spirit of the Freedom of Information Act.
· Ensure all MDAs and parastatals regularly comply with their accountability responsibilities to Nigerians through the National Assembly.
· All political officer holdersearn only the salaries and emoluments determined and approved by the Revenue Mobilization and Fiscal Commission RMFAC.
· Work with the leadership of the National Assembly and the Judiciary to cut down the cost of governance.
· I will present a National Anti corruption Strategy.
Insurgency and Insecurity
I have had the rare privilege of serving my country in the military in various capacities and rose to become a Major General and Commander-in-Chief of the Armed Forces. I defended the territorial integrity of our nation.
I pledge to:
· As Commander-in-Chief, lead from the front and not behind in the comfort and security of Aso Rock to boost the morale of fighting forces and the generality of all Nigerians.
· Give especial attention to the welfare of our armed forces and their families; lost heroes and their families and the victims of insurgency.
· Boost the morale of the men and women in the field by public recognition of their efforts through memorabilia, stamps, statues, regular rotation, regular payment of allowances, regular communication between the men and officers of security agencies, provision of best health care and housing for families of deceased comrades.
· I will present a marshal plan to the nation that will combat insurgency, ethnic and religious violence, kidnapping and rural banditry.
· Provideof the best and appropriate military and other materials the country needs to combat insurgency, ethnic and religious violence, kidnapping and rural banditry.
· Establish personal relationship with governors of the affected states by insurgency, with leaders of the countries in the region and with leaders around the world to coordinate efforts to combat insurgency, oil theft, piracy and criminality.
· Restore confidence in the bilateral and multilateral partnerships in addressing insurgency including procurements.
· Activate regular meetings of the National Police Council to ensure the discharge of its true constitutional role in a transparent and accountable way.
· As a father, I feel the pain of the victims of insurgency, kidnapping and violence whether they are the widows and orphans of military, paramilitary, civilians and parents or the Chibok girls. My government shall act decisively on any actionable intelligence to #BringBackOurGirls.
I pledge to:
· Restore the integrity of the Niger Delta by implementing relevant sections of the Ledum Technical Committee on human capital development, resource management and distribution, governance and rule of law, reclamation and environmental and sustainable development.
· Commit myself and my administration to the phased implementation of the United Nations Environment Program’s(UNEP) recommendations on Ogoniland.
· Unveil a marshal plan for the regenerative development of the Niger Delta.
Diversity refers to the inherent complexities of the variations in the social fabric of a people. Elements of poorly managed diversities include absence of cohesion, low capacity or political will to address resulting tensions, weak institutions of the state, in-equalities in every facet, impunity, breakdown of mutual trust, rising incidences of violence and total breakdown of law and order. To quickly reverse this observable trend in our society:
I pledge to:
· Continually acknowledge and consciously equality and equity in all government businesses and activities.
· Implement the National Gender Policy including 35% of appointive positions for women.
· Work with National Assembly to pass a National Disability Bill, which I shall immediately assent, into Law.
· Immediately charge relevant MDAs to implement new building codes to ensure that people with disability have easier access.
· I will lead the campaign for restoration of mutual trust and cohesion for nation building, while also working with the National Assembly to make appropriation to strengthen institutions and platforms promoting dialogue and inclusion.
· I will promote amendment to the provisions of section 14:3 of the Constitution to give effect to the expansion of the scope of representation to include women and persons with disabilities.
· Work with National Assembly to pass the National Disability Act and the Equal Opportunities Bill.
I pledge to:
· Implement the National Health Act 2014,which guarantees financial sustainability to the health sector and minimum basic health care for all and ban medical tourism by government officials.
· Launch special programme to improve availability of water and sanitation.
· Review occupational health laws and immediately commence enforcement of the provisions to reduce hazards in the work place.
· Unveil a health sector review policy to ensure the efficient and effective management of our health systems.
· Mobilize the health workforce needed for the all-round implementation of our primary health programmes for rural communities.
I pledge to:
· Make pronouncement to make agriculture a major focus of the government and lay the institutional foundation to attract large-scale investments and capital into the agricultural infrastructural sector
· Launch a massive agricultural infrastructural investments plan that will focus on production, transportation infrastructure and marketing logistics across Nigeria
· Launched a massive, well-coordinated and innovatively funded Youth in Commercial Agribusiness Programme.
· Establish agricultural produce pricing and marketing mechanism and institutions
· Work with State and Local Governments to launch Agricultural Support Programmes that will drive state level massive agricultural land development and mechanization agenda
· Revamp, revitalize and continuous improvement on the national agricultural extension and rural support service system
· Initiated a holistic project aimed at promoting and securing access of standardized agricultural products to both local and international markets
· Lay the groundwork for a standardized market uptake and aggregation outlets for specific agricultural produce
· Initiated a comprehensive revamp of key development banks (Bank of Agriculture, Bank of Industry and Nigeria Import & Export Bank) operations to fund inclusive agricultural value chain operations
· Lay the groundwork for an ambitious, massive, seamless, accessible single-digit agricultural value-chain finance programme
· Initiated the process to appropriately liberalise and expand agricultural and rural insurance system with premium subventions support to farmers
· Revamp the agricultural cooperative system to drive rural agriculture and improves stakes for smallholder farmers
· Launch appropriate tariff rectification instrument to support import-export anomalies
Management of the Economy for prosperity
Every Nigerian deserves to benefit from the running of our collective resources. We promise not to leave any Nigerian behind in our determination to create, expand and ensure equitable and effective allocation of economic opportunities. No matter the amount of funds we generate, unless there is an efficient and effective utilization, it will only create few billionaires. Unless we fight corruption, the economy will only benefit the greedy in our society.
I pledge to:
· Work with the legislature to strengthen constitutional provisions to make the meetings of the National Economic Council more periodic and predictable and its decisions more binding.
· Present annual report on the state of the economy to the National Assembly and the Nigerian People.
· The Preparation of Medium Term Expenditure Framework (MTEF) and annual Budget will be guided by job creation projections.
· Negotiate rule-based oil revenue management process, and adopt a rule based excess crude account management process, which will entail a fixed percentage (e.g. 10% or 20%) of oil revenue each year, and also set clear rules about where the proceeds will be domiciled, when the savings can be used, by whom, and what the savings can be used for.
· Work with the National Assembly to adopt a rule based, realistic and predictable oil benchmark as a basis for a more transparent management of federation account revenue and excess crude account.
· Launch a Small Business Loan Guarantee Scheme in partnership with Commercial Lenders to improve access to finance for SMEs.
· Automate the business registration process to ensure sole proprietorships can be opened within 24 hours and incorporated business within 5 days.
· Reduce the cost of company registration to a maximum of N10, 000 for sole proprietorships to encourage formalization.
· Review and regulate import duty waivers to promote transparency and accountability;
· Forge partnerships with state and local governments and private sectors to promote innovation, entrepreneurship and cottage industries;
· Work with the National Assembly to review and finalize work on the Petroleum Industry Bill (PIB);
· Boost community and local participation in downstream through expansion and promotion of local content development;
· Commence organizational reforms to curb corruption in NNPC and its subsidiaries
I pledge to:
· Give political force to collective bargaining in all sectors of the economy, revive Tripartite Committee of Government, employers and workers organisations, whose task would be to constantly review matters of labour relations and the practice of industrial relations.
· Undertake to institute an annual statutory tripartite body contribute towards formulation and implementation of broad macro-economic policies.
· Reposition Ministry of Employment, Labour and Productivity and all relevant agencies mandated to manage labour dispute and grievance handling process to ensure pre-emptive strategies to halt the current frequent incessant strikes phenomenon.
The power sector has become a monstrous demonstration of corruption. Despite investment of more than X there is nothing to show but few fat cats.
I pledge to:
· War against corruption in the power sector
· Tackle the issue of gas availability for the proposed power plants
· Emphasis alternative sources of power such as small, medium and large hydro plants (Mambilla has capacity for 4,700 megawatts), wind, coal and solar. Efforts will be geared towards smaller and potable power supply.
· Start an accelerated training of human resources for the power sector.
· Work with PenCom to consider giving soft loans to power sector operators.
Youth and ICT Development
The youth are the salt of the nation. More than 60% of our population is categorized as being of youth age. The future of the nation depends on the brains of the youth and not on what is buried under the ground.
I pledge to:
· Declare support for the appointment of young people with requisite qualification into key political offices to begin the incubation and mentoring for a successor political generation.
· Unveil a policy that all federal contractors must employ at least 50% young people.
· Work with the private sector to establish innovation fund for young people.
· Encourage that girls’and boys’ education is prioritized in states where this is established to be a big problem.
· Review and make pronouncements, with attendant political will and commitment, on the full implementation of the national youth policy.
· Establish innovation centers in conjunction with proposed National Science Foundation and the private sector.
· Include vocational skills in the curriculum of Almajiri schools so that they become self-employed.
· Unveil a policy that will begin to multiply the efforts and effects of technology incubation centers to at least establish two of such centers in each of the geopolitical zone.
· Establish a free-tuition and scholarship scheme for pupils who have shown exceptional aptitude in science subjects at O/Levels to study ICT-related courses.
· Immediately establish linkages with friendly names to champion exchange programmes for the acquisition of IT related skills.
· Extend the local content policies to cover software and hardware developments in the youth-driven markets. Put in place a quality assurance mechanism to ensure that standards are met and adhered to and make it a policy for companies to procure a % of their ICT needs from the local market.
· Hold a summit of all ICT service providers, OEMs, etc both local and foreign that are doing business in Nigeria to device concrete skills transfer and capacity building models in a sustainable manner.
|Posted by The Reunion Black Family on March 29, 2015 at 11:15 AM||comments (1)|
Mugabe Offers Land and Wealth to African-Americans!
Excerpts from the Opening Remarks delivered by H.E. Robert Gabriel Mugabe, the President of Zimbabwe, at the Fourth African-African American Summit (now known as the Leon H. Sullivan Summit), held in Harare, Zimbabwe in 1997.
"This summit takes place against the background of a world of growing globalization. It is therefore most imperative that we get to know one another even better than before - in order to fully appreciate the various circumstances under which we live. Africans and African-Americans need each other... There are well known historical and sentimental reasons why Africans and African-Americans must cooperate. These must form a basis for strengthening and deepening linkages between us - of a more substantial nature."
Adolf Hitler Killed Six Million Jews And Is Worst Human.Cecil Rhodes Founder Of De Beer Diamonds Killed Hundrend Of Million Africans They Made Him Hero.
|Posted by The Reunion Black Family on March 20, 2015 at 8:00 PM||comments (0)|
"The young Black who comes out of college or the university is as ignorant and unlearned as the white laborer. For all practical purposes he is worse off than when he went in, for he has learned only the attitudes and ways of the snake and a few well-worded lies." George Jackson
Adolf Hitler Killed six million jews and is the worst human being .Cecil Rhodes the founder of the De Beer Diamonds in South Africa killed Hundrend of Million Africans. Leopard of Begium and Cecil Rhodes killed Africans hundrends times than the so call the Jews holocaust, this topic is about Cecil Rhodes.
Every black child in grade school is taught Adolf Hitler Killed six million jews and is the worst human being that ever lived .on the other hand our children's are taught " The right honorable" Cecil Rhodes the founder of of the De Beer Diamonds company in South Africa who killed ten times that number of Africans is a hero and a statesman and if they study hard and do well at European brainwashed schools they may be eligible to win Rhodes Scholarship awards the olderst and most celebrated international fellowship award in the world . They don't mention the scholarships are paid for with the BLOOD of their Ancestors.
A massive psychological conditioning program scenario is precisely what is being done to Black people by the controlling white elites.This miseducation upon the Black psyche is designed to corrupt Blacks’ sense of racial unity and cohesion, mold the character of self-hatred.
The invaders also find it. necessary to implement a scheme to divide the oppressed, to prevent them from ever unifying against their invader
Names: Rhodes, Cecil John
Born: 5 July 1853, England
Died: 26 March 1902, Muizenberg, Cape Colony
In summary: South African , proponent of British imperialism, and businessman after whom Rhodesia (Zimbabwe) was named . Cecil John Rhodes was born on 5 July 1853 in England. He was the fifth son of Francis William Rhodes and his second wife, Louisa Peacock. A priest of the Church of England, his father served as curate of Brentwood Essex for fifteen years, until 1849, when he became the vicar of Bishops Stortford, where he remained until 1876. Rhodes had nine brothers and two sisters and attended the grammar school at Bishops Stortford. He fell ill shortly after leaving school and, as his lungs were affected, it was decided that he should visit his brother who had recently immigrated to Natal. He arrived in Durban on 1 September 1870. He brought three thousands pounds his aunt had lent him and used it to invest in diamond diggings in Kimberley.
Cecil Rhodes And De Beers: Genocide Diamonds.Cecil Rhodes: A Bad Man in Africa.
The evil that men do lives after them – and rarely more miserably than in the case of Cecil Rhodes, who died 100 years ago this month.
By Matthew Sweet
North of the Zambezi, they have long known about the suppression of free speech, about the bloody redistribution of land along racial lines, about politicians happy to employ armed – and sometimes uniformed – mobs to kill their opponents. They are practices imported to this region, along with the railways, by the British.
Unlike the African press, the Western media rarely invoke the name of Cecil John Rhodes: nearly a century after his death – on 26 March 1902 – his name is more associated with Oxford Scholarships than with murder. It’s easier to focus on the region’s more recent, less Anglo white supremacists: Ian Smith, for instance, who – despite his Scottish background – seems cut from the same stuff as those Afrikaner politicians who nurtured and maintained apartheid farther south.
But it was Rhodes who originated the racist “land grabs” to which Zimbabwe’s current miseries can ultimately be traced. It was Rhodes, too, who in 1887 told the House of Assembly in Cape Town that “the native is to be treated as a child and denied the franchise. We must adopt a system of despotism in our relations with the barbarians of South Africa”. In less oratorical moments, he put it even more bluntly: “I prefer land to niggers.”
For much of the century since his death, Rhodes has been revered as a national hero. Today, however, he is closer to a national embarrassment, about whom the less said the better. Yet there are plenty of memorials to him to be found. In Bishop’s Stortford, his Hertfordshire birthplace, St Michael’s Church displays a plaque. The town has a Rhodes arts centre, a Rhodes junior theatre group, and a small Rhodes Museum – currently closed – which houses a collection of African art objects. In Oxford, his statue adorns Oriel College, while Rhodes House, in which the Rhodes Trust is based, is packed with memorabilia. Even Kensington Gardens boasts a statue – of a naked man on horseback – based on the central feature of his memorial in Cape Town.
But his presence is more strongly felt – and resented – in the territories that once bore his name. Delegates at the Pan Africanist Congress in January argued that “the problems which were being blamed on [President Robert] Mugabe were created by British colonialism, whose agent Cecil Rhodes used armed force to acquire land for settlers”. He is the reason why, during the campaign for the presidential election in Zimbabwe, Mugabe’s Zanu-PF described its enemies – white or black – as “colonialists”; why, when Zimbabwe gained full independence in 1980, Rhodes’s name was wiped from the world’s maps.
The prosecution case is strong. Rhodes connived his way to wealth in a lawless frontier culture, then used that fortune to fund a private invasion of East Africa. He bought newspapers in order to shape and control public opinion. He brokered secret deals, issued bribes and used gangs of mercenaries to butcher his opponents, seizing close to a million square miles of territory from its inhabitants. Although he did this in the name of the British Empire, he was regarded with some suspicion in his home country, and when it suited him to work against Britain’s imperial interests – by slipping £10,000 to Parnell’s Irish nationalists, for example – he did so without scruple.
Rhodes was born in the summer of 1853, the fifth son of a parson who prided himself on never having preached a sermon longer than 10 minutes. A sickly, asthmatic teenager, he was sent to the improving climate of his brother’s cotton plantation in Natal. The pair soon became involved in the rush to exploit South Africa’s diamond and gold deposits – and unlike many prospectors and speculators who wandered, dazed and luckless, around the continent, their claim proved fruitful.
When Rhodes began his studies at Oriel College, he returned to South Africa each vacation to attend to his mining interests – which, by his mid-thirties, had made him, in today’s terms, a billionaire. By 1891, he had amalgamated the De Beers mines under his control, giving him dominion over 90 per cent of the world’s diamond output. He had also secured two other important positions; Prime Minister of the British Cape Colony, and president of the British South Africa Company, an organisation that was formed – in the manner of the old East India companies – to pursue expansionist adventures for which sponsoring governments did not have the stomach or the cash. The result of his endeavours produced new British annexations: Nyasaland (now Malawi), Northern Rhodesia (now Zambia) and Southern Rhodesia (now Zimbabwe).
Rhodes imprinted his personality on the region with monarchical energy: dams, railway engines, towns and anti-dandruff tonics were all named after him. But his expansionist zeal was not always matched at home in Britain. “Our burden is too great,” Gladstone once grumbled. “We have too much, Mr Rhodes, to do. Apart from increasing our obligations in every part of the world, what advantage do you see to the English race in the acquisition of new territory?” Rhodes replied: “Great Britain is a very small island. Great Britain’s position depends on her trade, and if we do not open up the dependencies of the world which are at present devoted to barbarism, we shall shut out the world’s trade. It must be brought home to you that your trade is the world, and your life is the world, not England. That is why you must deal with these questions of expansion and retention of the world.”
At around the same time, Henry John Heinz was outlining a comparable manifesto: “Our field,” he pronounced, “is the world.” By 1900, his 57 varieties were available in every continent. Global capitalism and imperial expansion developed in collaboration; shared aims, aspirations, patterns of influence. Today, most of the world’s political empires have been dissolved and discredited, but the routes along which capital moves remain the same. After Rhodes came Nestlé, Coca-Cola, BP, McDonald’s, Microsoft.
In 1896, Rhodes’s name was linked with the Jameson Raid – a disastrous (and illegal) attempt to annex Transvaal territory held by the Boers, and a principal cause of the South African War of 1899-1902. His reputation in Britain accrued a lasting tarnish. A defence of his character, published in 1897 and co-authored by the pseudonymous “Imperialist”, offers an insight into the charges against him: “Bribery and corruption”, “neglect of duty”, “harshness to the natives” and the allegation that “that Mr Rhodes is utterly unscrupulous”. His lifelong companion Dr Leander Starr Jameson – a future premier of the Cape Colony and the leader of the ill-fated raid – added a postscript insisting that some of Rhodes’s best blacks were friends: “His favourite Sunday pastime was to go into the De Beers native compound, where he had built them a fine swimming bath, and throw in shillings for the natives to dive for. He knew enough of their languages to talk to them freely, and they looked up to him – indeed, fairly worshipped the great white man.”
Did anyone buy this stuff? After Rhodes’s fatal heart attack on 26 March 1902, the death notices were ambivalent. News editors across the world cleared their pages for obituaries and reports of public grief in South Africa, but few wholehearted endorsements of his career emanated from London. “He has done more than any single contemporary to place before the imagination of his countrymen a clear conception of the Imperial destinies of our race,” conceded The Times, “[but] we wish we could forget the other matters associated with his name.” Empire-builders such as Rhodes, the paper said, attracted as much opprobrium as praise: “On the one hand they are enthusiastically admired, on the other they are stones of stumbling, they provoke a degree of repugnance, sometimes of hatred, in exact proportion to the size of their achievements.” Jameson and “Imperialist”, it seems, had not succeeded in rehabilitating their mentor.
But the story of Rhodes’s posthumous reputation is just as complex and contentious as that of his life and career. And curiously, his sexuality was one of the main battlegrounds. In 1911, Rhodes’s former private secretary Philip Jourdan wrote a biography of his late employer in order to counter “the most unjust libels with reference to his private life [which] were being disseminated throughout the length and breadth of the country”. Despite the aggressive romantic attentions of a Polish adventuress and forger named Princess Catherine Radziwill, Rhodes was indifferent to women and gained a reputation for misogyny. His most intense relationships were with men – his private secretary Neville Pickering, who died in his arms; Jameson, whom he met at the diamond mines in Kimberley where, the doctor recalled, “we shared a quiet little bachelor establishment”; and Johnny Grimmer, of whom Jourdan (defeating the purpose of his memoir) said: “He liked Johnny to be near him… The two had many little quarrels. On one occasion for a couple of days they hardly exchanged a word. They were not unlike two schoolboys.”
Rhodes’s excuse for remaining single was the one used today by members of boy bands: “I know everybody asks why I do not marry. I cannot get married. I have too much work on my hands.” Instead, he accumulated a shifting entourage of young men, known as “Rhodes’s lambs”. It’s probable that these relationships were more homosocial than homosexual, but that didn’t stop the gossips or biographical theoreticians. In 1946, Stuart Collete suggested Rhodes was “one of those who, passing beyond the ordinary heterosexuality of the common man, that the French call l’homme moyen sensual, was beyond bisexuality, beyond homosexuality and was literally asexual – beyond sex. It appears to have had no literal meaning to him except as a human weakness that he understood he could exploit in others”. The same biographer wove these comments into an analysis of Rhodes’s appeal to another set of posthumous acolytes: the Nazis.
As the 20th century moved on, Rhodes’s memory became increasingly attractive to extreme (and eventually moderate) right-wing opinion. Oswald Spengler’s The Decline of the West (191hailed him as “the first precursor of a Western type of Caesar – in our Germanic world, the spirits of Alaric and Theodoric will come again – there is a first hint of them in Cecil Rhodes”.
It’s easy to see why Spengler, and later Hitler, were fans. Asked by Jameson how long he would endure in memory, Rhodes replied: “I give myself four thousand years.” To the journalist WT Stead he said: “I would annex the planets, if I could. I often think of that.” When, in 1877, he first made his will, he urged his executors to use his fortune to establish a secret society that would aim to redden every area of the planet. He envisioned a world in which British settlers would occupy Africa, the Middle East, South America, the Pacific and Malay islands, China and Japan, before restoring America to colonial rule and founding an imperial world government. “He was deeply impressed,” Jameson recalled, “with a belief in the ultimate destiny of the Anglo-Saxon race. He dwelt repeatedly on the fact that their great want was new territory fit for the overflow population to settle in permanently, and thus provide markets for the wares of the old country – the workshop of the world.” It was a dream of mercantile Lebensraum for the English: an empire of entrepreneurs, occupying African territories in order to fill them with Sheffield cutlery, Tate & Lyle’s Golden Syrup and Uncle Joe’s Mint Balls.
But it was Rhodes’s Alma Mater that did most to brighten his prestige. In 1899, Oxford University, an institution with a long and continuing history of accepting money from morally dubious millionaires, agreed to administer a more cuddly and less clandestine version of the “Imperial Carbonari” of the 1877 will: the Rhodes Scholars. In 1903, the first names were selected. A group of men fitted for “manly outdoor sports”, who would display “qualities of manhood, truth, courage, devotion to duty, sympathy for the protection of the weak, kindliness, unselfishness and fellowship” – men such asBill Clinton, the CIA director Stansfield Turner, the first Secretary General of the Commonwealth Sir Arnold Smith, and the Nato Supreme Commander Bernard Rogers.
By 1936, ML Andrews was praising Rhodes’s “vision of world peace, to be brought about by the domination of the English-speaking nations”. In the same year the Gaumont-British film company produced the hagiographic movie, Rhodes of Africa. Two years later, the little Rhodes Museum was founded in Bishop’s Stortford. When it reopens next year, children will, for a fiver, be able to sign up as one of “Rhodes’s Little Rhinos”.
A 1956 children’s book, Peter Gibbs’s The True Book About Cecil Rhodes – one of a series that also profiled Marie Curie, Captain Scott and Joan of Arc – is the best example of how, in the mid-20th century, Rhodes was reclaimed as a national hero. More unalloyed in its enthusiasm for Rhodes than any comparable 19th-century text, it makes for queasy reading. Especially, perhaps, if you were voting in Zimbabwe last weekend. Southern Rhodesia, it reports, is now “tamed and civilised and cultivated, and many thousands of white people have settled there, and made it their home. Today there are beautiful modern towns; homes, gardens, parks, towering blocks of offices and flats; factories, railways and airports. It is a new and thriving country of the British Commonwealth, where but recently only savages and wild animals dwelt. And it started from the dreams of one young Englishman – Cecil Rhodes”.
They had hoped to start a ‘new Rand' from the ancient gold mines of the Mashona, but the gold had been worked out of the ground long before. The White settlers who accompanied the British South Africa Company to Mashonaland became farmers. When the Matabele and the Mashona rebelled against the coming of the White settlers to their land, the British South Africa Company police crushed them. The conquered lands were named Southern and Northern Rhodesia, to honour Rhodes. Today, these are the countries of Zimbabwe and Zambia.
He died at Muizenberg on March 26 in 1902.
All Diamonds are Blood Diamonds
Africa and all its resources are the birthright of African people everywhere All Diamonds are Blood Diamonds
The U.S. invasion and occupation of Iraq has forced us to recognize the terrible price paid by peoples around the world the oil reserves necessary for the daily functioning of the U.S. economic life. The slogan is “No blood for oil.”
In the Niger Delta of Nigeria African people living in dire poverty are fighting shell Oil for control over the multi-dollar oil industry on their own land. 70 percent on less than a dollar a day. The poverty, lack of electricity and sanitation and profound pollution. Yet Shell Oil and other oil corporations have made more than $300 billion on Nigerian oil. White people live in mansions with big SUVs in the same area. The people of this area are waging armed struggle. They say if they cannot benefit from the oil, no one will benefit from the oil. They call it “blood oil.”
The U.S. and European controlled chocolate industry in Africa is a bitter reality. Ivory Coast produces 40 percent of the world’s cocoa and in West Africa there are more than a quarter million young African children working in enslavement in the cocoa plantations. All chocolate is blood chocolate.
We can even show that even aluminum foil can be called Blood aluminum . In Guinea Conakry earlier this year there was a general strike for over a month. Guinea has 40 percent of the world’s bauxite, the mineral needed to make aluminum, but the average income of those considered “middle class” is $500 a year. Alcoa, Reynolds and other corporations are making billions of dollars but the people are forced to live under a repressive government and cannot even afford to buy rice in a country where gas costs almost $5 a liter.
In Congo 5 million people have been killed in the past few years in U.S. and imperialist backed wars over Coltan the mineral that is the electrical conductor necessary for cell phones and computers. 80 percent of the world’s coltan is in Congo. So we say all computers and cell phones are blood computers and cell phones. Coltan worth over $400 a pound in a world where 1.7 billion people have wireless phones–one out of every 4 on the planet. Child labor, murder, dire poverty–a few dollars a day at best–rape, death in the mines–thousands die in the mine shafts and also from starvation–mostly children.
Blood cell phones and computers
We don’t have to go to Africa or other places. The U.S. is built on African enslaved labor. IIn the U.S. a multitude o products such as office furniture, jeans, clothing, bedding, clocks and signs are made by slave labor inside of prisons. The prison industry has half a million workers more than any Fortune 500 corporation. With more than 2 million mostly African and Mexican people incarcerated With more than 2 million mostly African and Mexican people incarcerated inside the U.S. facing Three Strikes and mandatory minimums, one in three African men between the ages of 20 and 29 is either in jail, on probation or parole. In a private Texas prison guards were videotaped beating, shocking, kicking and setting dogs on prisoners—what u.S. soldiers did in Abu Ghraib has been practiced against African people in U.S. prisons for years. So we can say all prison products are blood products.
In a system built on centuries of the enslavement of African people, on genocide, oppression and colonialism in this country and around the world we can say that beneath the sparkling veneer of every resource that we take for granted is a very ugly story.
So this is the context that we say that All diamonds are blood diamonds!
We are sold the idea that diamonds are a symbol of beauty and long-lasting love. “Diamonds are forever,” “a girl’s best friend.”
The truth about diamonds is not beautiful—diamonds are steeped genocide, colonialism, poverty and oppression–controlled by the brutal DeBeers diamond cartel.
In 1938 DeBeers cartel hired a Philadelphia public relations firm when sales were sagging– to market to Americans that diamond rings were a necessity for engagements and weddings. In the past diamonds were relatively rare as engagement rings. To do this they launched slogan “A diamond is forever,” and promoted the myth that a diamond ring should cost two months salary.
The reality is diamonds are not particularly valuable. They can be found around the world. Their value is created by manufactured scarcity—forcibly keeping diamonds off the market to increase their value. Unlike most other precious stones they do no appreciate with age and have a poor resale value.
Finest large gem-quality diamonds come from Sierra Leone, along with Angola, Namibia and Congo.
Diamonds are not just for jewelry–it is the strongest material in the world.Used in cutting, in airplanes and in defense–ESSENTIAL to the U.S. military industry. Industrial diamonds worth $10,000 a pound.
DeBeers is a cartel which is a monopoly that controls every aspect of the economy of the product. DeBeers controls not only mining but cutting, polishing, setting into jewelry, pricing and selling world wide. Millions of children and very young people involved in diamond industry.
The concept of blood or conflict diamonds came about in reference to the brutal imperialist backed wars in Sierra Leone and West Africa in the 1990s.
Sierra Leone is a former British colony on the West Coast of Africa.
British colonialism In the 1700s Bunce Island in the Sierra Leone River was called the “slave factory.” From here the British supplied captive Africans particularly to Charlestown South Carolina and to Georgia. Americans. The North American slave ships that called at Bunce Island were sailing out of Newport (Rhode Island), New London (Connecticut), Salem (Massachusetts), and New York.
More than 50,000 Africans were kidnapped from Sierra Leone mostly into South Carolina and Georgia. They were called the Gullah people–worked in rice paddies in cotton plantations in the U.S. They were fierce fighters and many escaped from enslavement by joining the Seminoles in Florida where they built thatched roof houses as in their homeland. Thatched roof–environmentally sustainable!
Sierra Leone won nominal independence from Britain in 1961 with the establishment of neocolonialism as in the rest of Africa.
Sierra Leone is one of the most impoverished countries in the world–most of the people live on less than a dollar a day. It has the highest infant mortality in the world and the life expectancy for men is 38 years.
Yet Sierra Leone has immense natural resources Diamonds-some of the best in the world Titanium ore (red)– ･ in the aerospace industry – for example in aircraft engines and air frames; ･ for replacement hip joints; ･ for pipes, etc, in the nuclear, oil and chemical industries where corrosion is likely to occur. Bauxite used for aluminum Gold Chromite (green) used in stainless steel.
Chromite–stainless steel. As in the rest of Africa the profits and benefits of Sierra Leone’s natural resources are in Europe and North America. Although the resources are on their land, the people are deeply impoverished. 80 percent of households in Sierra Leone must use charcoal and wood for cooking. . In the world 2.4 billion people still cook over wood , charcoal or dung fires.
Neocolonialism. Former British colonizers continue to control the economy, the military and the governing of Sierra Leone — neocolonialism leaving only crumbs. Along with other imperialist states they continue to extract the wealth.
In the 1990s The Revolutionary United Front emerged led by Foday Sankoh. At first the people thought they were fighting in the interest of the people. But they were imperialist influenced fighting for crumbs of the colonial plunder. They launched a brutal war against the people of Sierra Leone with 50,000 murdered and tens of thousands of mutilations. It is said that DeBeers and Israel were the biggest benefactors of the war.
By cutting off the people’s hands-signature torture used by the Belgian colonizers against African people in Congo during Belgian colonialism.
The RUF forced young children to fight and to carry out most of the atrocities–often against other children The child soldiers given tea, coffee and stimulant drugs.
RUF took over some of the diamond mines–this is a picture of one — and began selling diamonds on the open market outside of the control of DeBeers.
From DeBeers website Because this served to depress DeBeers artificially high prices for diamonds based on manufactured scarcity, the DeBeers cartel was threatened. This prompted DeBeers to come up with the concept of the “blood” or “conflict” diamond–not because of concern for the people but because they did not want to see the price of diamonds go down.
So DeBeers diamond cartel set up the Kimberley Process Certification Scheme–that would supposedly determine if a diamond is “blood” or clean. Police policing themselves–like Alberto Gonzalez policing himself.
The reality is DeBeers is the key figure behind the issue of blood diamonds. Under the “legitimate” diamond mines of Sierra Leone–meaning the DeBeers and imperialist controlled mines–African miners are forced to work for almost nothing. Most of the diggers must work “independently getting only a tiny percentage on any diamonds that they find which are taken by the mine. Only a few workers actually get a salary–from 30 cents to $2 a day. Nicky Oppenheimer and CEOs of DeBeers–one world’s richest men worth 3 billion dollars–eats organic foods and farm.
According to an international trade union report 72 percent of the children of Sierra Leone between the ages of 5 to 14 are forced into paid or unpaid labor–in the legitimate diamonds mines or other industry. In that region nearly a half million children are forced into labor. Childhood is a result of privilege.
There is no electrical grid. Only oil lanterns at night. Only electricity is from generators and 82% of that is in Freetown. In sierra Leone only 1% use generators and 85 percent use oil lamps.
Sierra Leone has no running water, no water purification system, little hygiene or few toilets.
Sierra Leone has no system of roads, few paved roads and most roads are impassable in rainy season.
How things got the way they are
Africa is the birthplace of civilization–all science, mathematics, art, philosophy, religion and archeology originated in Africa. Sierra Leone and most of West Africa was part of the African civilization of Mali (the people called it Manden) from 1235 to 1645 — ended by the enslavement of African people. It had enormous influence in the whole world. One of its cities Timbuktu was a center of learning–people came from everywhere to study and to enjoy the lively social and artistic culture. There was a medical school that taught delicate eye operations to remove cataracts. Mansa Musa was one of the famous rulers of Mali in the 1300s. He brought architects and scholars into Mali. His rule was known for prosperity and stability of the country as well as for artistic, educational and technological achievement.
Europe in the middle ages was backwards, disease ridden, poor oppressed and warlike.
In the 1300s the plague swept through Europe killing up to a half of the population and destroying the already impoverished agricultural economy of feudalism.
Europe rescued itself by its assault on Africa. In 1415 Henry the Navigator (never sailed a ship) sent Portuguese fleets out to the west coast of Africa to attempt to gain control of the wealthy African trade in gold, silver and other resources–trade that had gone on for centuries–millennia–connecting trade routes to the Middle East and Asia. They found African people themselves to be their most valuable commodity. The Arabs had a trade in African people as slaves for a thousand years. The slave trade started almost 80 years before Columbus sailed for the Americas By 1500 Portugal had extracted 700 tons of African gold, shipping it to Portugal and had kidnapped more than 81,000 African people into slavery.
Men, women and children in chains were stacked on top of each other on pallets in the holds of ships with the hideous stench of open pits of human waste. The pallets (seen on the lower left) were no more than 15 inches high. Hundreds of thousands of African people died of disease or starvation, or were murdered for attempted resistance and thrown overboard. The ecology of the Atlantic Ocean was changed by the slave trade. Schools of sharks would follow the slave ships to feed off the African men, women and children who died and were murdered on board and who were thrown overboard.
The trade in African people was the key ingredient in the triangular trade bringing captives from Africa as forced labor for the plantations of the Americas, transporting resources such as cotton, sugar, tobacco and rum to North America and to England.
Along with the assault on Africa was the genocide against the Indigenous people and the theft of their land and resources. Above is aftermath of U.S. slaughter at Wounded Knee in 1890. And VOLUNTEER cavalry.
This slaughter, genocide, rape and plunder of the peoples of the Earth brought unprecedented wealth into Europe for the first time.
This is what brought about the industrial revolution and transform Europe from feudalism to capitalism.
In the U.S. the “founding fathers” were slave masters, owners of African people and instigators of the genocide against the Indigenous people. This is the “founding values” of America. This slide shows an idealized, falsified serene picture of the treatment by George Washington of enslaved Africans who was known for his brutality. Washington “owned” more than 300 African people, giving them meager daily rations of a few ounces of grain and fish by-products.
There were tens of thousands of burnings and lynchings like this one in Kansas City.
Children at lynchings
As Omali Yeshitela, Chairman of the African People’s Socialist Party and leader of the Uhuru Movement states all classes of white people sit on the pedestal of the enslavement of African people and colonized and oppressed peoples around the world.
Wall Street was the center of New York’s slave auction blocks. In the 18th and 19th centuries enslaved Africans were one fifth the population of New York. When the civil war was declared, New York was so dependent on the cotton industry that the city considered joining the Confederacy. It is telling that an African cemetery was found in recent years under the high rise buildings of Wall Streets—American wealth resting literally on the bodies of African people.
White people sit on the pedestal of slavery and genocide.
Throughout Africa and the Americas the resistance of African people was fierce and powerful. We do not learn enough about that–covered over in history books. On the slave ships resistance was the major cause of death for captain and crew. The African Revolution in Haiti in the early 19th century, resistance by the Maroons in the Caribbean and South America the resistance of Denmark Vesey, Nat Turner, two city-wide African rebellions in New York City, Gabriel Prosser, Cinque, Harriet Tubman. In Brazil, Surinam–everywhere Africans were enslaved they were in a state of resistance.
The Shona, Zulu, Chokwe and many other African peoples waged fierce resistance to colonialism and the colonial borders imposed by the Berlin conference. The Ashanti people in Ghana waged armed resistance to the British for 200 years.Above is Yaa Asantewaa, the Ashanti woman resistance leader in 1900.
King Leopold of Belgium was a leading Abolitionist of his day. He was responsible for turning Congo into a rubber plantation to provide tires for bicycles and the newly emerging automobile industry in Europe and the U.S. in the 1890s. At least 10 million Africans were slaughtered by Leopold’s forces before there was even a word for genocide. Millions had their hands chopped off for resisting being enslaved on their own land. People were sexually assaulted and mutilated. Children were stolen from their parents and taken into camps to be groomed as a colonial army–genocide under international law. Leopold GAVE Congo to Belgium–it was his personal business!
The scramble for Africa and Africa’s resources. At least two million Africans were killed in the scramble for ivory tusks for piano keys and billiard balls–the center of the ivory trade was Connecticut.
80 percent of the Nama and Herero peoples in Namibia were wiped out by the Germans They were rounded up and left to die in the desert without food, water or shelter to die a slow torturous death. Germany has never recognized this genocide or paid reparations even as they paid billions in reparations to Israel. Same methods used by Hitler.
During this same time the British colonizer Cecil Rhodes came to southern Africa. Rhodes was an ideological colonizer. He believed in British imperialism and promoted it. He said to “prevent civil war you must become an imperialist “ among the workers of England….He created the Rhodes scholarship.
His goal was to install British imperialism from Cape Town to Cairo and built the Cape-Cairo railway.
His vision was part of the British empire on which they boasted “the sun never set” because it went around the world. The British empire included 77 countries including India and15 countries in Africa. 458 million people were oppressed in this empire–one quarter of the world’s population at that time under British colonialism. At that time England had the highest standard of living in the world based on the near starvation of the people in Africa, India and the other colonies.
Cecil Rhodes was a perpetrator of genocide, responsible for the displacement of millions of African people for the benefit of white settlers and enslavement of African people on their own land. White people came from Europe and became wealthy from the theft of the gold and diamonds in Southern Africa. Pass laws.
Cecil Rhodes founded DeBeers diamond cartel. Rhodes went to south Africa from Britain when he was 18 years sold–he took over the diamond mines at Kimberley south Africa and others in the area. By his early 20s he was a millionaire but he did not retire–he believed in subjugating Africa for the benefit of England.
Rhodes went to Zimbabwe, the land of the Matabele and Shona who launched fierce resistance led by their leader Lobengula.
Rhodes paid a mercenary army from England and stocked them with Maxim machine guns. With just 5 machine guns the English slaughtered 5,000 African people in one afternoon alone–then they celebrated with dinner and champagne.
Winston Churchill and Baden Powell boy scouts. Cecil Rhodes, gay, said he, “thoroughly enjoyed the outing.” Saw the slaughter of Africans as sport and adventure.
The Chokwe, Shona and Zulu people were among those who led powerful struggles against the European invasions.
Cecil Rhodes helped set up the apartheid system in south Africa and the pass laws–based on the Jim Crow laws of the United States.
Pass laws, colonial taxation of African people to force them to work to be used as near slave labor in the diamond mines.
Africans in the diamond mines were forced to stay away from family and wife, in compounds with only cold tea and bread.–much the same conditions today.
When Cecil Rhodes died the DeBeers diamond cartel was taken over by the Oppenheimer family.
The atrocities that took place in Sierra Leone and West Africa were what DeBeers itself has done to African people for a hundred years. On knees Africans, with cans, body cavity searches, Zulu forced to pull rickshaw for owners.
Diamonds have long played a role in neocolonialism in Africa. Mobutu’s villa on the Riviera , his diamonds, Mobutu one of richest men in the world which says something about the worth of the resources in Congo. CIA worked with Kennedy, Eisenhower and DeBeers to assassinate Lumumba.
Neocolonialism continues today. Mandela with Nicky Oppenheimer in front of statue of Cecil Rhodes. Mandela has praised DeBeers and Cecil Rhodes. Below: Mandela with Mobutu
Under Mandela and the ANC the conditions are worse for African workers and better for white people. Today 12 years after the end of apartheid, 61 percent of African people live below the poverty line in South Africa, while only one percent of whites. 96 percent of commercial arable land is still in the hands of whites. Conditions are 14 percent BETTER for white people than they were under apartheid.
Africa also has up to 90 percent of the world’s reserves of cobalt, manganese, chromium and platinum–in West and Southern Africa. U.S. military needs these to function in the defense industry. Pentagon report say they would do anything to maintain those resources.
U.S. military and AFRICOM in Africa–says its in the name of “war on terror” U.S. military deploys well over half a million soldiers, spies, technicians, teachers, dependents, and civilian contractors in other nations.US has more than 700 military bases–growing to 1000 by end of decade in 130 countries around the world.
What is the solution?
Our lifestyle requires the suffering of African people–in this country There is colonialism inside the U.S. Two Americas Wake up to reality.
In Africa–our lives are at the expense of African people.
African people are a colony inside the U.S.–not racism- not ideas inside our heads–political and economic relationship–same as in Iraq, Palestine etc. Two Americas.
Uhuru Movement is led by Omali Yeshitela, leader of the African People’s Socialist Party, united African People around the world for one united and liberated Africa. In the spirit of Marcus Garvey, Malcolm X, Kwame Nkrumah, Patrice Lumumba.
Africans are one people all over the world.
Not charity, not peace corps, missionaries, movie stars adopting African babies.
African resources belong to African people everywhere!
Building the African Socialist International around the world. Touch One! Touch All!
Africa in the hands of African working class people, not neocolonialists.
Unite with the struggle for reparations to African people!
|Posted by The Reunion Black Family on March 20, 2015 at 4:45 PM||comments (0)|
GHANDI AND AFRIKAN BLOOD PEOPLE "Mahatma" Gandhi Unveiled
by Naresh Majhi
To understand Gandhi's role towards the blacks, one requires a knowledge of Hinduism. Within the constraints, a few words on Hinduism will suffice: The caste is the bedrock of Hinduism. The Hindu term for caste is varna; which means arranging the society on a four-level hierarchy based on the skin color: The darker-skinned relegated to the lowest level, the lighter-skinned to the top three levels of the apartheid scale called the Caste System. The race factor underlies the intricate workings of Hinduism, not to mention the countless evil practices embedded within. Have no doubt, Gandhi loved the Caste system. Gandhi lived in South Africa for roughly twenty one years from 1893 to 1914. In 1906, he joined the military with a rank of Sergeant-Major and actively participated in the war against the blacks. Gandhi's racist ideas are also evident in his writings of these periods.
One should ask a question : Were our American Black leaders including Dr. King aware of Gandhi's anti-black activities? Painfully, we have researched the literature and the answer is, no. For this lapse, the blame lies on the Afro-American newspapers which portrayed Gandhi in ever glowing terms, setting the stage for African-American leaders Howard Thurman, Sue Baily Thurman, Reverend Edward Carroll, Benjamin E. Mays, Channing H. Tobias, and William Stuart Nelson to visit India at different time periods to meet Gandhi in person. None of these leaders had any deeper understanding of Hinduism, British India, or the complexities of Gandhi's convoluted multi-layered Hindu mind. Frankly speaking, these leaders were no match to Gandhi's deceit; Gandhi hoodwinked them all, and that too, with great ease. Understanding of Hindu India with our black leaders never really improved even considering years later in March 1959, much after Gandhi's death, Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr., his wife, and Professor Lawrence D. Reddick visited India and to our way of analysis, they fared no better than their predecessors. We are certain, had Dr. King known Gandhi's anti-black and other criminal activities, he would have distanced his civil-rights movement away from the name of Gandhi. We recommend the following:
1. Grenier, Richard. The Gandhi Nobody Knows published in Commentary March 1983; pages 59 to 72. This is the best article on Gandhi briefly outlining his war activities against the blacks.
2. Kapur, Sudarshan. Raising up a Prophet: The African-American Encounter with Gandhi; Boston: Beacon Press, 1992 Excellent research book into the perspective of distant American blacks with respect to their new hero, Gandhi. However, this book has one major flaw: The author seems to be unaware of Gandhi's anti-black activities in South Africa.
3. Huq, Fazlul. Gandhi: Saint or Sinner ? Bangalore: Dalit Sahitya Akademy, 1992. Superb book. Really gets into the Gandhi's anti-black ideology with a sense of history setting intact. This book can be purchased from the International Dalit Support Group, P.O Box 842066, Houston, Tx 77284-2066.
This book's second chapter on 'Gandhi's Anti-African Racism' is a superb analysis of Gandhi's anti-black thinking. We bring to you the whole chapter for your review:
Gandhi was not a whit less racist than the white racists of South Africa. When Gandhi formed the Natal Indian Congress on August 22, 1894, the no. 1 objective he declared was: "To promote concord and harmony among the Indians and Europeans in the Colony." [Collected Works (CW)1 pp. 132-33]
He launched his Indian Opinion on June 4 1904: "The object of Indian Opinion was to bring the European and the Indian subjects of the King Edward closer together." (CW. IV P. 320)
What was the harm in making an effort to bring understanding among all people, irrespective of colour, creed or religion? Did not Gandhi know that a huge population of blacks and coloured lived there? Perhaps to Gandhi they were less than human beings.
Addressing a public meeting in Bombay on Sept. 26 1896 (CW II p. 74), Gandhi said:
" Ours is one continued struggle against degradation sought to be inflicted upon us by the European, who desire to degrade us to the level of the raw Kaffir, whose occupation is hunting and whose sole ambition is to collect a certain number of cattle to buy a wife with, and then pass his life in indolence and nakedness."
In 1904, he wrote (CW. IV p. 193):
It is one thing to register natives who would not work, and whom it is very difficult to find out if they absent themselves, but it is another thing -and most insulting -to expect decent, hard-working, and respectable Indians, whose only fault is that they work too much, to have themselves registered and carry with them registration badges.
In its editorial on the Natal Municipal Corporation Bill, the Indian Opinion of March 18 1905 wrote:
" Clause 200 makes provision for registration of persons belonging to uncivilized races (meaning the local Africans), resident and employed within the Borough. One can understand the necessity of registration of Kaffirs who will not work, but why should registration be required for indentured Indians who have become free, and for their descendants about whom the general complaint is that they work too much? " (Italic portion is added)
The Indian Opinion published an editorial on September 9 1905 under the heading, "The relative Value of the Natives and the Indians in Natal". In it Gandhi referred to a speech made by Rev. Dube, a most accomplished African, who said that an African had the capacity for improvement, if only the Colonials would look upon him as better than dirt, and give him a chance to develop self-respect. Gandhi suggested that "A little judicious extra taxation would do no harm; in the majority of cases it compels the native to work for at least a few days a year." Then he added:
" Now let us turn our attention to another and entirely unrepresented communityó-the Indian. He is in striking contrast with the native. While the native has been of little benefit to the State, it owes its prosperity largely to the Indians. While native loafers abound on every side, that species of humanity is almost unknown among Indians here.
Nothing could be further from the truth, that Gandhi fought against Apartheid, which many propagandists in later years wanted people to believe. He was all in favour of continuation of white domination and oppression of the blacks in South Africa.
In the Government Gazette of Natal for Feb. 28 1905, a Bill was published regulating the use of fire-arms by the natives and Asiatics. Commenting on the Bill, the Indian Opinion of March 25 1905 stated:
" In this instance of the fire-arms, the Asiatic has been most improperly bracketed with the natives. The British Indian does not need any such restrictions as are imposed by the Bill on the natives regarding the carrying of fire-arms. The prominent race can remain so by preventing the native from arming himself. Is there a slightest vestige of justification for so preventing the British Indian ? "
Here is the budding Mahatma telling the white racists how they can perpetuate their Nazi domination over the vast majority of Africans.
In the British imperialist scheme, one important strategy was to divide and rule. Gandhi advised Indians not to align with other political groups in either coloured or African communities. In 1906 the coloured people in the colonies of Good Hope, the Transvaal and the Orange River colony, addressed a petition to the King Emperor demanding franchise rights. The petitioners showed clearly that, in one part of South Africa, namely the Cape of Good Hope, they had enjoyed the franchise ever since the introduction of representative institutions.
Commenting on the petition, the Indian Opinion of March 24 1906, declaring that "British Indians have, in order that they may never be misunderstood, made it clear that they do not aspire to any political power," added:
" It seems that the petition is being widely circulated, and signatures are being taken of all coloured people in the three colonies named. The petition is non-Indian in character, although British Indians, being coloured people, are very largely affected by it. We consider that it was a wise policy on the part of the British Indians throughout South Africa, to have kept themselves apart and distinct from the other coloured communities in this country."
In a statement made in 1906 to the Constitution Committee, the British Indian Association led by Gandhi (CW. V p.335) said:
" The British Indian Association has always admitted the principle of white domination and has, therefore, no desire, on behalf of the community it represents, for any political rights just for the sake of them. "
Commenting on a court case, the Indian Opinion of June 2 1906, in its Gujrati section, stated:
" You say that the magistrate's decision is unsatisfactory because it would enable a person, however unclean, to travel by a tram, and that even the Kaffirs would be able to do so. But the magistrate's decision is quite different. The Court declared that the Kaffirs have no legal right to travel by tram. And according to tram regulations, those in an unclean dress or in a drunken state are prohibited from boarding a tram. * Thanks to the Court's decision, only clean Indians (meaning upper caste Hindu Indians) or coloured people other than Kaffirs, can now travel in the trams. (Italic portion is added)
Apartheid defended: Gandhi accepted racial segregation, not only because it was politically expedient as his Imperial masters had already drawn such a blueprint, it also conformed with his own attitude to the caste system. In his own mind he fitted Apartheid into the caste system: whites in the position of Brahmins, Indian merchants and professionals as Sudras, and all other non-whites as Untouchables.
Though Gandhi was strongly opposed to the comingling of races, the working-class Indians did not share his distaste. There were many areas where Indians, Chinese, Coloured, Africans and poor whites lived together. On February 15 1905, Gandhi wrote to Dr. Porter, the Medical Officer of Health, Johannesburg (CW. IV p.244, and "Indian Opinion" 9 April 1904):
" Why, of all places in Johannesburg, the Indian location should be chosen for dumping down all kaffirs of the town, passes my comprehension."
Of course, under my suggestion, the Town Council must withdraw the Kaffirs from the Location. About this mixing of the Kaffirs with the Indians I must confess I feel most strongly. I think it is very unfair to the Indian population, and it is an undue tax on even the proverbial patience of my countrymen.
Dr. Porter replied that it was the Indians who sub-let to Africans.
Commenting on the White League's agitation, Gandhi wrote in his Indian Opinion of September 24 1903:
" We believe as much in the purity of race as we think they do, only we believe that they would best serve these interests, which are as dear to us as to them, by advocating the purity of all races, and not one alone. We believe also that the white race of South Africa should be the predominating race."
Again, on December 24 1903, Indian Opinion stated:
"The petition dwells upon 'the comingling of the coloured and white races'. May we inform the members of the Conference that so far as British Indians are concerned, such a thing is particularly unknown. If there is one thing which the Indian cherishes more than any other, it is the purity of type."
In his farewell speech at a meeting held in the house of Dr. Gool in Capetown, which was reported in the Indian Opinion of July 1 1914, Gandhi said:
" The Indians knew perfectly well which was the dominant and governing race. They aspired to no social equality with Europeans. They felt that the path of their development was separate. They did not even aspire to the franchise, or, if the aspiration exists, it was with no idea of its having a present effect."
Gandhi joined in the orgy of Zulu slaughter when the Bambata Rebellion broke out. It is essential to discuss the background of the Bambata Rebellion, to place Gandhi's Nazi war crime in its proper perspective.
The Bambatta Rebellion--Background
The spiritual foundation of Nazism was the superiority of the Aryan race or its modern version, the Anglo-Saxon race. When Disraeli was Prime Minister, Britain enunciated a doctrine, like the Monroe Doctrine, warning other European powers that Africa would be a British preserve, and that from the Cape to the Limpopo, if not to Cairo, only white people would have local political power. Successive British Governments pursued this policy.
In the 1870s, the Zulu Kingdom was by far the most powerful African State of the Limpopo. Cetewayo, who succeeded his father in 1872, was an able and popular ruler. He united the kingdom and built up a most efficient army. He followed a policy of alliance with the British Colony of Natal. The Zulu Kingdom and the Boer Republic of the Transvaal had been feuding for a long time. The Zulus were defeated twice by the Boers, in 1838 and 1840. By 1877 Cetewayo was ready to invade the Transvaal. But the British stepped in and annexed the Transvaal in 1877, only to prevent Cetewayo from doing it first and becoming powerful and a challenge to white supremacy.
Some contemporary reports throw light on the relative strength of the Zulus and their Boer enemies. Colonel A.W. Durnford wrote in a memorandum on July 5 ("The Secret History of South Africa" by Abercrombe. The Central News Agency Ltd., Johannesburg South Africa. 1951 p.6):
About this time (April 10th) Cetewayo had massed his forces in three corps on the borders, and would undoubtedly have swept the Transvaal, at least up to the Vaal River if not to Pretoria itself, had the country not been taken over by the English. In my opinion he would have cleared the country to Pretoria.
Shepstone, the British Administrator, himself wrote concerning the reality of the danger on Dec. 25 1877:
The Boers are still flying, and I think by this time there must be a belt of more than a hundred miles long and thirty broad in which, with three insignificant exceptions, there is nothing but absolute desolation. This will give some idea of the mischief which Cetewayo's conduct has caused.(Ibid p.7).
The above facts explode the myth that the British protected the Zulus from the Boers.
British barbarity on Blacks: After annexing the Transvaal, Shepstone turned his attention to destroying all the independent African states in that region, particularly the Zulu Kingdom. Before annexation of the Transvaal, Shepstone sided with the Zulus in their border disputes with the Transvaal. After annexation he made a volte-face and used those disputes as excuses to invade Zululand. The British public was told that the Zulu War was to liberate the Zulu people from a tyrannical ruler, and South Africa from a menace to "christianity and civilisation".
In 1879, the British invaded the Zulu Kingdom and defeated Cetawayo. Then they started their complete subjugation. First the army was broken, thus destroying their ability to defend themselves. The country was then split into thirteen separate units under the nominal control of the chiefs, salaried by the Government. The white magistrates supplanted the chiefs as the most powerful men in their districts. Most important of all, the land was partitioned. Before the war, Shepstone had expressed the hope that Cetewayo's warriors would be "changed to labourers working for wages". It makes a sad story, how this was accomplished. In 1902-4, the Land Commission delineated a number of locations for the Zulus, and threw open the rest of the country to white settlement.
Out of a total acreage of more than 12 million acres, the Africans held some 2 million acres. They numbered, at the lowest reckoning, over three hundred thousand. The Europeans, who were less than 20,000, owned most of the best land. A large proportion of the African population was forced to live upon land to which it had no legal claim. Where the Africans lived upon private or crown lands, they lived there entirely upon sufferance and without legal title. By this time, other independent African states in that region were also destroyed by the British army. Wheresoever, they marched, in Basutoland, Zululand or Bechuanaland, the Queen's horses and the Queen's men were like unto a "Salvation Army" ministering to the welfare of the colonists. The sufferers were the Africans.
Gandhi wrote in his Satyagraha in South Africa (p.15):
" The Boers are simple, frank and religious. They settle in the midst of extensive farms. We can have no idea of the extent of these farms. A farm with us means generally an acre or two, and sometimes even less. In South Africa, a single farmer has hundreds or thousands of acres of land in his possession. He is not anxious to put all this under cultivation at once, and if any one argues with him he will say, 'Let it lie fallow; lands which are now fallow will be cultivated by our children'."
Also in his Indian Opinion (March 15 1913), he wrote:
" General Botha has thousands of acres of land ... (there is) a big company in Natal which has hundreds of thousands of acres of land."
Thou shalt not steal but rob.
It did not seem to occur to Gandhi how these people came into possession of thousands of acres of land, whereas Africans were cooped in locations like chicken in pens.
Grabbing the land was not enough: it needed manpower to cultivate that land. The cry of the farmers was for labour. Naturally it found a favourite response from Shepstone, whose dream it was to convert Cetewayo's warriors into labourers for white men. His native policy was to meet the demands of the European farmers. He agreed that Europeans could not expand or grow in wealth unless they could draw more fully upon the reservoirs of labour in the African reserves.
In the process of European colonisation, the swiftly expanding land-hungry Europeans turned the bulk of the African population into a proletariat. Due to the congestion and landlessness in the reserves, created deliberately by the white rulers, their agricultural return was not sufficient for bare existence. Then there were the taxes on huts, cattle and what not. On the other hand, working for white men did not provide them with adequate sustenance. In Natal, the sugar farmers of the coast relied upon the Indian indentured labour, whereas the stock farmers of the interior relied exclusively on Africans, and regarded the failure of Africans to work for them as a criminal offence. In a report to the Chief Commissioner of Police in 1903, the Police Inspector W.F. Fairley wrote: "With regard to crime, the principal complaints made by Dutch farmers to patrols was of the refusal to work on the part of the natives." (Department Reports 1903 p.67 cited "Reluctant Rebellion" by Marks p.17. Clarendon Press, Oxford 1970). Complaints about the shortage of African labour were voiced in all parts of the country. The farmers were later joined by the mining industries. The most obvious change was the broadening of the economic base from being entirely agricultural to one in which mining played a more and more important part.
Diamond, gold, coal became major industries, and with this development, the deeper involvement of the big finance houses, particularly Rothschilds. So the fate of the Africans as the source of cheap labour, and the fat dividends derived from mining by the British ruling class, became interlinked. This still continues in a modified form. Now it is Anglo-American corporations.
Cheap labour from India
Europeans assumed that Africans lived only to meet their requirements of cheap labour, and as such they had no right to establish themselves as self-sufficient and independent farmers because this conflicted with European interests. Famines in India facilitates the recruitment of indentured Indian labourers for white employers in the Colonies. It was no different in relation to Africans. In a Report of the Native Affairs Commission, (Native Affairs Commission Report 1939-40 cited "Oxford History of South Africa" p.182. Clarendon Press, Oxford, 1969) it was admitted that "African reserves were regarded by whites as reservoirs of labour, and congestion, landlessness and crop failure were welcomed as stimulants to the labour supply".
Similar situations among whites were viewed as national calamities. The Government lent millions of pounds to white farmers, gave them tax relief in times of famine, paid subsidies, facilitated the export of their produce, and wrote off their debts. But what about Africans? Famine would be rampant, crops ruined, food exhausted, thousands of Africans and their cattle would starve to death, but the government would not raise a finger.
The whites not only stole the land from the Africans, and used them as cheap labour, but also looked to them for revenue. They drew a relatively large and growing income from the Africans. "The Native population of Natal", Shepstone admitted ("Imperial Factor" by De Kieweit p.193. Clarendon Press, Oxford 1970), "contribute to the revenue annually a sum equal, at least, to that necessary to maintain the whole fixed establishment of the Colony for the government of the whites as well as themselves." Taxation is a financial measure to gather revenue to meet the expenditure of the state. But in South Africa it was used to reduce Africans to slavery. The sole motive behind the extra taxation imposed on Africans was to force the Africans to work on terms dictated by the whites.
Always there was resentment against any measure which would allow the Africans to settle in locations instead of keeping them as labourers. It was not only the farmers' conferences, the press owned by the mining magnates joined the outcry of the farmers to enact special laws to compel the Africans to come out of their locations and work for the whites. The press was in the forefront to arouse the sentiments that Africans not in European service were necessarily living in idleness. Gandhi's Indian Opinion played second fiddle to the white press in this respect. To Gandhi, the imposition of taxes upon the Africans to compel them to work for the white employers was "gentle persuasion".
By a stroke of the pen, the major part of the available land was taken away from the Zulus and given to Europeans. Some of the dispossessed Zulus were allotted locations and others remained on the land of European landlords on sufferance. Bambata was one of these unfortunate chiefs. He became Chief in 1890 and he and his people were placed in private locations on very high rents. The land was useless for any agricultural purpose. To make things worse, the Boer farmers suspected Bambata of informing the British about their pro-Boer activities, and naturally they tried to victimise him and his people.
But after the war, the British rulers leaned backwards and went out of their way to kiss and hug the Boers. So Bambata was caught in a cleft stick. By 1905 the tension between Bambata and his white landlords reached crisis point. The Assistant Magistrate of Greytown, H. Von Gerard, wrote to the Under Secretary of Native Affairs recommending the allocation of a location for his people. Gerard described how people were being oppressed and squeezed by the landlords, what useless land it was for agricultural purposes, and how summons after summons was being issued against people who were unable to pay high rents. Finally he remarked ("Reluctant Rebellion" by Marks. P.201):
A most desperate state of affairs, the more so as there seems no remedy for it....My sympathies with Bambata's people...but I see no way out of the difficulty.
The military and civilian leaders of Natal were consciously developing a picture as if an uprising was imminent. Not that they could foresee one, but they wanted to foresee one because that would give them a golden opportunity to inflict severe punishments on Zulus who, according to the colonists, were growing insolent. They drew up a plan to deal with this imaginary uprising swiftly, and all agreed that was the way they could save not only Natal but North Africa from the "barbarities which only the savage mind can conceive." (Ibid p. Xvii)
Zulu Revolt: But outside Natal, people were not so sure. Styne, President of the Orange Free State, called it "hysteria". Smuts, Botha and Merriman expressed concern as to whether the whites of Natal would spur a rebellion. Some churchmen and many radical humanitarians in Natal, as well as England, produced volumes of irrefutable evidence proving that it was a conspiracy to goad the Zulus into rebellion and then massacre them. In this, Hariette Colenso, the famous daughter of a famous father, Bishop Colenso, made the most outstanding contribution. There was a cry of imminent native revolt in the press long before active rebellion broke out.
As far back as 1902, Lieu. G.A. Mills in his report (GH18/02. Cited "Reluctant Rebellion" p.158) to the Chief of Staff, Natal, on July 1 informed him:
Every Boer expresses the most bitter hatred of the Zulus. They all express a wish that the Zulus would rise now while the British troops are in the country so that they may be practically wiped out. The Boers all say that in the event of the rising, every one of them would join the British troops in order to have a chance of paying off old scores against the Zulus. When I first came here, I visited farms and asked the Boers what they thought of the advisability of keeping troops here. They all said it was most necessary, as they were afraid of the Kaffirs and it would not be safe to stay on their farms if the troops withdrew.... Taking everything into consideration, I cannot help being forced to the opinion that many Boers intend to provoke a Zulu rising if they can do so.
It was Colonel Mackenzie, the military supremo before the rebellion, who was prophesying a native uprising and cleaning the barrels of his guns to use the "golden opportunity" to inflict "the most drastic punishment" on leading natives he found guilty of treason, and to "instill a proper respect for the white man". (C.O. 179/233/12460. Dispatch 9.3.06 cited "Reluctant Rebellion" p. 18
On June 14, Charles Saunders, Chief Magistrate and Civil Commissioner in Zululand (1899-1909) wrote to C.J. Hignet, the magistrate of Nqutu ("Reluctant Rebellion" p.241):
I quite agree with your conclusions as to our men trying to goad the whole population into rebellion, and you have no idea of the difficulties we had in Nkandha in trying to protect people one knew perfectly well were faithful to us.
In his communication of July 10 1906 to the Prime Minister, (PM 61/15/66 Governor to PM 10.7.06) the Governor described the "sweeping actions and the mopping-up operations as continued slaughter. Fred Graham, a permanent civil servant in the Colonial Office, in his Minute of July 10, described it as "massacre".
Nazism & racism: The most revealing was the long letter of July 24 1906 (CO 179/236/24787 minute 10-7-06) sent by the Anglican Archdeacon, Charles Johnson, from St. Augustine's in Nqutu division, to the Society for the Propagation of the Gospels in London. He was a man of the British establishment and not known to have excessive zeal for standing up for the rights of the Africans. He wrote (cited "Reluctant Rebellion" p. 241):
Many thinking people have been asking themselves, what are we going to do with his teeming population? Some strong-handed men have thought the time was ripe for solving the great question. They knew that there was a general widespread spirit of disaffection among the natives of Natal, the Free State and the Transvaal, but specially in Natal, and they commenced the suppression of the rebellion in the fierce hope that the rebellion might so spread throughout the land and engender a war of practical extermination. I fully believe that they were imbued with the conviction that this was the only safe way of dealing with the native question, and they are greatly disappointed that the spirit of rebellion was not strong enough to bring more than a moiety of the native peoples under the influence of the rifle. Over and over again it was said, 'They are only sitting on the fence, it shall be our endeavour to bring them over'; and again, speaking of the big chiefs, 'We must endeavour to bring them in if possible! Yes, they have been honest and outspoken enoughó-the wish being father to the thoughtó-they prophesied the rebellion would spread throughout South Africa; had they been true prophets, no doubt the necessity of solving the native question would have been solved for this generation at least.
John Merriman was a veteran Cape politician. He was one of those so-called liberals who accepted Nazism as a doctrine, or in other words Anglo-Saxon superiority, but regretted its consequent atrocities and thus fumigated their consciences. He wrote to Goldwin Smith (Merriman papers NHo. 202, 16.9.06 cited "Reluctant Rebellion" p.246) in September 1906:
We have had a horrible business in Natal with the natives. I suppose the whole truth will never be known, but enough comes out to make us see how thin the crust is that keeps our christian civilisation from the old-fashioned savageryómachine-guns and modern rifles against knobsticks and assagais are heavy odds and do not add much to the glory of the superior race.
In the letter of the Archdeacon the expression "practical extermination", and in a letter of Lieutenant Mills "practically wiped out", have been used. This was what the German Nazis wanted to do to the Jews: to exterminate them. Does it make any difference whether the victims of racial slaughter are Jews or blacks?
Conspiracy to massacre Blacks: Gandhi was well aware of the conspiracy to massacre the Africans. When there was war hysteria in the colonial press, this prophet of non-violence did not apply his mind as to how to stop such a conflict. On the contrary, he did not want Indians to be left behind, but wanted them to take a full part in this genocide.
In his editorial in the Indian Opinion of Nov. 18 1905, long before the actual rebellion broke out, Gandhi complained that the Government simply did not wish to give Indians an opportunity of showing that they were as capable as any other community of taking their share in the defence of the colony. He suggested that a volunteer corps should be formed from colonial-born Indians, which would be useful in actual service.
Indentured Indians lived in conditions worse than slavery. Gandhi during his 20 years' stay in South Africa, did not raise a finger to ease their sufferings. But he was quick to suggest using them as cannon fodder for racists against Africans.
In his Indian Opinion in Dec. 2 1905 he referred to Law 25 of 1875 which was specially passed to increase "the maximum strength of the volunteer force in the colony adding thereto a force of Indian immigrant volunteer infantry". To assure the Europeans that such Indians would only kill Africans, he pointed out that "section 83 of the Militia Act states that no ordinary member of the coloured contingent shall be armed with weapons of precision, unless such contingent is called to operate against other than Europeans".
Gandhi defends massacre: Many years later, he wrote (p.233) in his autobiography:
" The Boer War had not brought home to me the horrors of war with anything like the vividness that the 'rebellion' did. This was no war but a man-hunt, not only in my opinion but also in that of many Englishmen with whom I had occasion to talk. To hear every morning reports of the soldiers' rifles exploding like crackers in innocent hamlets, and to live in the midst of them, was a trial."
Then to justify his participation in this massacre, he went on (Autobiography p. 231):
" I bore no grudge against the Zulus, they had harmed no Indian. I had doubts about the 'rebellion' itself, but I then believed that the British Empire existed for the welfare of the world. A genuine sense of loyalty prevented me from even wishing ill to the Empire. The righteness or otherwise of the 'rebellion' was therefore not likely to affect my decision."
What about the Nazi war criminals? Did they not have a genuine sense of loyalty to Hitler and Nazism?
In Great Britain another storm of protest was raised against the atrocities perpetrated in Natal. The only time Gandhi mentioned the Zulu suppression was on August 4 1906, when he wrote in his Indian Opinion:
" A controversy is going on in England about what the Natal Army did during the Kaffir rebellion. The people here believe that the whites of Natal perpetrated great atrocities on the Kaffirs. In reply to such critics, the Star has pointed to the doings of the Imperial Army in Egypt. Those among the Egyptian rebels who had been captured were ordered to be flogged. The flogging was continued to the limits of the victim's endurance; it took place in public and was watched by thousands of people. Those sentenced to death were also hanged at the same time. While those sentenced to death were hanging, the flogging of others was taken up. While the sentences were being executed, the relatives of the victims cried and wept until many of them swooned. If this is true, there is no reason why there should be such an outcry in England against Natal outrages."
One may notice that the article was very cleverly written. First Gandhi stated that people in England believed that the whites of Natal perpetrated great atrocities on Africans, as if he himself did not know what happened, and also gave the impression that it was the local Natal Army and not the Imperial Army which was involved in the atrocities, which is not true. Even at this stage, he was not willing to tell the simple truth, that atrocities were committed. Then he borrowed the description of hanging and flogging in Egypt from the Star as if he did not know about that either. Did or did not Gandhi know that those Egyptians were not common criminals to be flogged and hangedóthat they were the patriots, the flowers of the Egyptian nation?
If Gandhi unequivocally accepted or found out that the Imperial Army committed those atrocities, then he could not claim that he believed the British Empire existed for the welfare of mankind. The last and the vilest of all was the subtle suggestion that if the Imperial Army did what they were accused of doing, then there was no reason why there should be such an outcry in England against the Natal outrage. Why could this Imperialist-manufactured Mahatma not say clearly that both were crimes against humanity?
LAHORE: Mohandas Karamchand Gandhi (1870-194, the man who inspired great leaders like Nelson Mandela and Martin Luther King, may have harboured racial sentiments against black people if an article on Sulekha.com is to be believed.
The article quotes a series of letters and petitions from Gandhi, linking the black people of Africa to savages and portraying them as little better than animals. Gandhi writes, “A general belief seems to prevail in the colony that the Indians are little better, if at all, than the savages or natives of Africa. Even the children are taught to believe in that manner, with the result that the Indian is being dragged down to the position of a raw Kaffir”.
According to the article, part of Gandhi’s attitude stemmed from his belief in the Aryan Invasion Theory, claiming that the superior white race from the Steppes subjugated darker races all across Eurasia. Gandhi refused to accept classification with ‘aboriginal’ looking ‘savages’: “A reference to Hunter’s ‘Indian Empire’, chapters 3 and 4, would show at a glance who are aborigines and who are not. The matter is put so plainly that there can be no mistake about the distinction between the two. It will be seen at once from the book that the Indians in South Africa belong to the Indo-Germanic stock or, more properly speaking, the Aryan stock.”
He believed that White rule in South Africa – with the help of a reduction in Asiatic immigration was necessary for civilising the blacks with these characteristics: “We, therefore, have no hesitation in agreeing with the view that in the long run assisted Asiatic immigration - into the Transvaal would be disastrous to the white settlement. People will gradually accommodate themselves to relying upon Asiatic labour, and any White immigration of the special class required in the Transvaal on a large scale will be practically impossible. It would be equally unfair to the natives of the soil. It is all very well to say that they would not work, and that, if the Asiatics were introduced, that would be a stimulus to work; but human nature is the same everywhere, and once Asiatic labour is resorted to, there would not be a sustained effort to induce the natives to work under what would otherwise be, after all, gentle compulsion. There would be then less talk about taxing the natives and so forth. Natives themselves, used as they are to a very simple mode of life, will always be able to command enough wages to meet their wants; and the result will be putting back their progress for an indefinite length of time. We have used the words ‘gentle compulsion’ in the best sense of the term; we mean compulsion of the same kind that a parent exercises over children.”
So is he such a hero ,assuming this is true. I bet ya dollars to donuts that he has been made such a demi-god like Lincoln that no one will attempt to really LOOK. They will attack, ad-homonym and the like.
|Posted by The Reunion Black Family on March 18, 2015 at 6:05 PM||comments (0)|
A DAY LIKE NO OTHER DAY ALTERNATE REALITY .
This is a story of a little boy named Theo, who woke up one morning and asked his Grandfather, "What if there were no Black people in the world?"
Well,Grandfather about that for a moment and then said, "Son, follow me around today and let's just see what it would be like if there were no Black people in the world. Get dressed and we will get started."
Theo ran to his room to put on his clothes and shoes. But there were no shoes, and his clothes were all wrinkled. He looked for the iron, but when he reached for the ironing board, it was no longer there. You see Sarah Boone, a Black woman, invented the ironing board and Jan E. Matzelinger, a Black man invented the shoe lasting machine.
Theo ran to internet for chat with a friend ,the internet was not working .. Dr Mark Dean-An African American Invented Many Of The Programming For The Internet Experiences We Enjoy Today http://www.reunionblackfamily.com/apps/blog/show/37500151-dr-mark-dean-an-african-american-invented-many-of-the-programming-for-the-internet-experiences-we-enjoy-today
He looked for his mobile phone ,but it was not there because ,The inventor of the Cellular phone is Black man Henry Sampson . http://www.reunionblackfamily.com/apps/blog/show/18504293-the-inventor-of-the-cellular-phone-is-henry-sampson
"Oh well,"Grandfather said, "Go and do your hair." Theo ran in his room to comb his hair, but the comb was not there. You see, Walter Sammons, a Black man, invented the comb. Theo decided to just brush his hair, but the brush was gone. You see Lydia O. Newman, a Black female invented the brush.
Well, he was a sight, no shoes, wrinkled clothes, hair a mess without the hair care inventions of Madam C. J. Walker, -- well, you get the picture.Grandfather told Theo, "Let's do the chores around the house and then take a trip to the grocery store."
Theo's job was to sweep the floor. He swept and swept and swept. When he reached for the dustpan, it was not there. You see, Lloyd P. Ray, a Black man, invented the dustpan. So he swept his pile of dirt over in the corner and left it there. He then decided to mop the floor, but the mop was gone. You see, Thomas W. Stewart, a Black man, invented the mop.
Theo thought to himself, "I'm not having any luck." "Well, son," Grandfather said. "We should wash the clothes and prepare a list for the grocery store." When he was finished, Theo went to place the clothes in the dryer, but it was not there. You see, George T. Samon, a Black man, invented the clothes dryer. Theo got a pencil and some paper to prepare the list for the market, but noticed that the pencil lead was broken, as well he was out of luck because John Love, a black man, invented the pencil sharpener. He reached for a pen, but it was not there because William Purvis, a Black man, invented the fountain pen. As a matter of fact, Lee Burridge invented the type writing machine, and W. A. Lavette, the printing press.
So they decided to head out to the market. Well, when Theo opened the door, he noticed the grass was as high as he was tall. You see the lawnmower was invented by John Burr, a Black man.
They made their way over to the car and found that it just wouldn't go. You see, Robert Spikes, a Black man, invented the automatic gear shift and Joseph Gammel invented the supercharge system for internal combustion engines.
They noticed that the few cars that were moving were running into each other and having wrecks because there were no traffic signals. You see, Garrett A. Morgan, a Black man invented the traffic light.
ELIJAH J. MCCOY Africa-America Inventor 57 U.S. Patents Lubrication Steam Engines http://www.reunionblackfamily.com/apps/blog/show/11978809-elijah-j-mccoy-africa-america-inventor-57-u-s-patents-lubrication-steam-engines
Well, it was getting late, so they walked to the market, got their groceries and returned home. Just when they were about to put away the milk, eggs and butter, they noticed the refrigerator was gone. You see, John Standard, a Black man, invented the refrigerator. So they put the food on the counter.
By this time, they noticed it was getting mighty cold. Theo went to turn up the heat and what do you know, Alive Parker, a Black female, invented the heating furnace. Even in the summer time they would have been out of luck because Frederick Jones, a Black man, invented the air conditioner.
It was almost time for Theo's father to arrive home. He usually took the bus, but there was no bus because its precursor was the electric trolley, invented by another Black man, Elbert T. Robinson. He usually took the elevator from his office on the 20th floor, but there was no elevator because Alexander Miles, a Black man, invented the elevator. He usually dropped off the office mail at a nearby mailbox, but it was no longer there because Phillip Downing, a Black man, invented the letter drop mailbox and William Barry invented the postmarking and canceling machine.
Theo sat at the kitchen table with his head in his hands. When his father arrived he asked, " Why are you sitting in the dark?" Why?? Because Lewis Howard Latimer, a Black man, invented the filament within the light bulb.
Africa America George Carruthers developed ways to use ultraviolet imaging in order to view images in deep space that were previously impossible to see. In 1972, Carruthers invented the "Far Ultraviolet Camera/Spectograph," the first moon-based observatory. It was used in the Apollo 16 mission. Then, in 1986, one of his inventions captured an image of Hailey's Comet—the first time a comet had ever been pictured from space. http://www.reunionblackfamily.com/apps/blog/show/14309317-physicist-and-africa-america-inventor-george-carruthers-built-his-first-telescope-at-age-10-
Benjamin Montgomery - born into slavery in 1819 in Loudon County, Virginia. Benjamin invented a special propeller which allowed steamboats to navigate in shallow water. http://www.reunionblackfamily.com/apps/blog/show/12696454-benjamin-montgomery-born-into-slavery-in-1819-in-loudon-county-virginia-benjamin-invented-a-special-propeller-which-allowed-steamboats-to-navigate-in-shallow-water-
A Slave Bradley Helped Set Up Scientific Experiments.In The 1840s He Developed a Steam Engine For a War Ship. http://www.reunionblackfamily.com/apps/blog/show/12696309-a-slave-bradley-helped-set-up-scientific-experiments-in-the-1840s-he-developed-a-steam-engine-for-a-war-ship-
Theo quickly learned what it would be like if there were no Black people in the world.
Not to mention if he were ever sick and needed blood. Charles Drew, a Black scientist, found a way to preserve and store blood which led to his starting the world's first blood bank.
And what if a family member had to have surgery. This would not have been possible without Dr. Daniel Hale Williams,
So if you ever wonder, like Theo, where we would be without Blacks? Well, it's pretty plain to see, we could very well still be in the dark!!!
|Posted by The Reunion Black Family on March 18, 2015 at 5:05 PM||comments (0)|
Slave was not a trade it was a genocide .Colonization was a robbery.
The Slave Trade and Reparations: Closing the Gates..Molefi Kete Asante.
Henry Louis Gates, Jr.’s recent essay on slavery and reparations in the New York Times (April 23, 2010) caused me to reflect on my previous critiques of several of Gates projects such as Encarta Africana, documentaries, and Wonders of the African World. Gates is a combative, assertive, and quite active intellectual. He is not a do-nothing or say-nothing person which would sometimes be a good thing given the wide distribution of his opinions. Since that is not the case it is necessary to logically dismantle the superstructure Henry Gates has created to defend the European’s gross violation of African humanity. I will seek to disentangle this issue with two steps. In the first instance I will attack the factual errors in Gates’ article showing that the core of his argument, that Africans and Europeans might both be culpable for the slave trade, is false. Secondly, I will establish the argument and warrants for reparations, enlarging the argument to include far more than the narrow focus envision by Gates. Attacking the factual errors of Gates’ essay is essential for the plinths upon which the reparations argument stands.
The Factual Record
It is essential to get the terms of the argument straight. There is no African Slave Trade, no Transatlantic Slave Trade; there is only European Slave Trade across the ocean as there is the Arab Slave Trade across the desert. I say European Slave Trade because the motive for kidnapping and transporting Africans across the ocean was a European initiative. Gates attempts to show Africans as being equally culpable with Europeans in the enslaving of Africans in order to argue in his narrative superstructure that it is difficult to say who should pay reparations.
It is not difficult at all. One only has to ask the questions, “Who traveled to Africa in search of captives?” “Who created an entire industry of shipbuilding, insurance, outfitting of crews and ships, and banking based on the slave trade?” “Who benefited enormously from the evil and vile project of human kidnapping?” “What countries held the asiento from the Catholic Church and the King of Spain for regions of Africa used exclusively for capturing Africans?”
There are some fundamental facts. First, no African kingdom used slavery as its principal mode of production. Africa has produced no economies based on slavery. There were no slave economies in Africa as a way of life. If someone can find such a society, it is clearly an aberration. It was left to Europe to create a system of slavery where humans were chattel to be used as tools in the development of wealth. Secondly, in all massive enterprises where there are oppressors and the oppressed there will be collaborators. It is no secret that some of Africa’s best minds, Fanon, Memmi, Karenga, have isolated incidents of collaboration among victims of oppression. Blacks were police officers in the white minority regime of South Africa but one cannot blame apartheid on black people. So when Gates claims that Africans were involved in the slave trade one can accept this, but what one cannot accept is that Africans were equally culpable for the slave trade. Nor should one blame the Judenrats (Jewish Councils) of Germany for Nazi atrocities although they often collaborated with the Germans. Indians collaborated with the British colonialists in India and some Chinese collaborated with the Japanese in occupied China, and while there is no excuse there is certainly explanation for collaboration.
Collaboration is often the results of personal ambition, greed, or force. After the Portuguese kidnapped scores of Africans in 1441 and took them to Lisbon, the process of capturing Africans from isolated villages was perfected. With overpowering force, as when the Portuguese in l482, destroyed the main capital of Nana Kwame Ansah, whites started to use other Africans to assist with their agenda. By the time Columbus opened up the Americas for Europe in l492 the Portuguese, Spaniards, Dutch, French, Danish, and English were poised to use every device possible to entrap Africans. Like now, one way to gain access to the masses is through people who look like they are the same as the masses. There are and will be collaborators in Afghanistan and Iraq. Gates extends his reasoning in a distortion of fact. For example, he says that the whites did not go into the interior of Africa but this flies in the face of the facts. Perhaps whites did not enter the interior regions in massive numbers but almost every African nation that experienced the slave trade has evidence of white incursions and even some settlements in the interior during the period of the slave trade. Of course, it is true that some of this evidence is found in cemeteries littered in villages in the interior, such as the cemetery in Tafo, Akyem, in Ghana. So many whites died in the interior that it was called “the white man’s grave.”
Regardless to how unfortunate Gates’ essay is for scholarship and reason, there is something useful in it. The essay has refocused the attention of writers and scholars to the attempt to revise the collective text of the European world. Guilt is taken off of Europe for the slave trade and placed on black people. In fact, Gates sees blacks and whites as equally responsible for the slave trade. This is like blaming a battered woman for her own beatings. Gates is telling us that whites are saying, “You Africans made me do it.” What is useful is that Afrocentrists and Pan Africanists are now clearer about the dangers to our future than ever before. Those rooming in the so-called master’s house are in serious psychological crisis; our task is to make plain the truth and to defend African interests.
The arguments made by Henry Louis Gates remind me of the Texas Textbook Commission’s attempt to change history texts because they do not fit with its conservative views. Gates gives four examples of African kings or queens who participated with the Europeans in the process of capturing Africans. These examples are puny in the context of centuries of raids, wars, and battles in the African interior as well as on the coasts of Africa. Here is what Gates wrote, “There is very little discussion of the role Africans themselves played. And that role, it turns out, was a considerable one, especially for the slave-trading kingdoms of western and central Africa. These included the Akan of the kingdom of Asante in what is now Ghana, the Fon of Dahomey (now Benin), the Mbundu of Ndongo in modern Angola and the Kongo of today’s Congo.
” This entire statement is misleading. There has been little discussion of the role Africans played in slave- trading because the role of the collaborators was minor vis-à-vis the role of white slave raiders. The examples given of the Asante, the Fon, the Mbundu, and the Kongo are not evidence of a general support of the slave trade by African kings or queens; these are merely aberrations where they occur, not a universal pattern of African collaboration over a three hundred year period. Take the example given about the Asante. The Europeans met the Akan people in the 15th century yet there is no indication of Asante involvement in the slave trade during the 15th, l6th, and l7th, centuries and the examples given from the 18th and l9th centuries disregard the Asante attempt to prevent the European take-over of the interior. Indeed, Asante’s involvement was at the level of seeking to control the slave routes, thus preventing white incursions into their lands, and to prevent the British from disrupting their kingdom.
Gates’ own Encarta Africana claims that Nzinga, a queen of the Mbundu in the kingdom of Ndongo, was “a leading opponent of Portuguese colonialism.” In fact, from 1639 to 1648 her armies attacked the Portuguese and forced them out of the interior and back into fortresses along the coast. She retired to the royal city of Matamba in l656.
In the 16th century when the Mani-kongo, called Affonso by the Portuguese, discovered that his trade with Portuguese was not based on mutual respect and that he would not be able to get the shipbuilders, teachers, and skilled craftspeople he desired from Portugal because the Portuguese wanted to make his people slaves, including his ministers. Thus, in l526, the Mani-Kongo attacked the Portuguese after sending a letter to King John III saying “You should here neither merchants nor wares because it is our will that in the kingdom of the Kongo there should not be any slaves nor market for slaves.”
Therefore, Asante, Ndongo, and Kongo have been flipped by this revisionist view espoused by Henry Louis Gates and others who would like to blame slavery on Africans.
The kingdom of Dahomey was involved with the D’Souza dynasty in its vile and horrendous promotion of the slave trade from Dahomey to Brazil for scores of years. but the corrupt, venal leaders of Dahomey during their collaboration with the Portuguese family is nothing more than an aberration. This is why the “selling” of “disposable captives of warfare” became a part of the rhetoric of Africans involved in the slave trade. Remember Africans were stolen from more than 100 ethnic groups, not just from the Fon of Dahomey, and the resistance of Africans, as recorded in my book, The History of Africa, far overwhelms the vile example of Dahomey, a kingdom of the 19th century that had become so debauched by slavery due to European influence that it was virtually a hostage of the slave trade. Facts are necessary as correctives for a corrosive essay that has created an avenue for bluff in the reparations arena.
The Reparation Issue
When Raphael Lemkin started in l933 to gain recognition of the term "genocide" as a crime of barbarity few thought that it would soon become the language of international law. When genocide was adopted as a convention in 1948 with an International Criminal Court to serve as the home for judging genocide it was a victory for those who had fought to put genocide on the world agenda. My belief is that the current discussions about reparation undertaken by scholars, political activists, and the United Nations will advance our own plan to place reparations at the front end of the agenda for redress for African Americans despite Gates’ attempt to cloud this issue. There can be only one agenda for black people: full and complete reparations for the monstrous harm done to African people on the continent, through the Middle Passage, during the Enslavement, and during the long years of segregation, discrimination, loss of cultural rituals and values, and displacement of people because of racial oppression.
The argument for reparations for the forced enslavement of Africans in the American colonies and the United States of America is grounded in moral, legal, economic, and political terms. Taken together these terms constitute an enormous warrant for the payment of reparations to the descendants of the Africans who worked under duress for nearly 250 years. The only remedy for such an immense deprivation of life and liberty is an enormous restitution.
When one examines the nature of the terms amassed for the argument for reparations it becomes clear that the basis for reparations is interwoven with the cultural fabric of the American nation. It is not un-American to seek the redress of wrongs through the use of some form of compensatory restitution. For example, the moral terms of the argument are made from the concept of rightness or righteousness as conceived in the spiritual and religious literature of the American people. One assumes that morality, based in the relationship between humans and the divine as well as between humans, constitutes a normal warrant for correcting a wrong, if it is perceived to be a wrong, in most cases. Using legal terms for the argument for reparations one relies on the juridical heritage of the American nation. Clearly, the ideas of justice and fair play while often thwarted, distorted, and subverted are representatives of the legal ideal in American jurisprudence. Therefore, the use of legal terms for the reparations argument is not only expected but it is also required for any thorough appreciation of the need for America to deal with the internal question of reparations. The Great Enslavement itself showed, however, how legal arguments could be turned upside down to defend an immoral and unjust system of oppression. Nevertheless, justice is a requirement for political solidarity within a nation and any attempt to bring it about must be looked upon as a valid effort to create national unity.
Of course, we recognize that justice may be both retributive and restorative. In one instance, it seeks to punish those who have committed wrong; in the other, it concerns itself with restoring to the body politic a sense of reconciliation and harmony. I believe that the idea of reparations, particularly as conceived in my own work, is a restorative justice issue. The economic case is a simple argument for the payment to the descendants of the enslaved for the work that was done and the deprivation that was experienced by our ancestors.
To speak of an economic interest in the argument is typically American and an issue that should be well understood by most Americans. Finally, the political term “reparations” is wrapped in the clothes of the American political reality. In order to insure national unity reparations should be made to the descendants of Africans. It is my belief that the underlying fault in the American body politic is the unresolved issue of enslavement. Many of the contemporary problems in the society can be thought of as deriving from the unsettled issues of enslavement. A concentration on the political term for reparations might lead to a useful argument for real national unity.
One of the ironies of the discourse surrounding reparations for the enslavement of Africans is that the arguments against reparations for Africans are never placed in the same light as those about reparations in other cases. In fact, Gates avoids any discourse on the similarities between the cases of the Native Americans, the Jewish people, or the Japanese people.
This avoidance introduces a racist element into the discourse itself. For example, even if a racist thought it, one would rarely hear the question, “Why should Germany pay reparations to the Jews?” Or “Why should the United States pay reparations to the Japanese who were placed in concentration camps during World War II?” If someone would even try to make arguments against those forms of reparations the entire corpus of arguments from morality, law, economics, and politics would be brought to bear on them. Furthermore, they would be embarrassed to have even thought those irreverent thoughts in the first place.
This is as it should be in a society where human beings respect the value of other humans. Only in societies where human beings are considered less than humans do we have the opportunity for enslavement, concentration camps, and gas chambers. It might be observed that when humans are considered the same as other humans then the questioning of reparations becomes moot. We expect all of the arguments for reparations to be used in such cases. This is why the recent rewarding of reparations to the Jews for the Nazi atrocities is considered normal and natural. Any situation where humans are given the same values as other humans would result in a similar response. In Nazi Germany, Jews were considered inferior and had Germany won the war, any thought of reparations to Jews would have been unthinkable. It is because Nazi Germany lost the war and other humans with different values had to make decisions about the nature of reparations. One can make the same argument for the Japanese who lost their property and resources in the American West. A new reality in the political landscape made it possible for the Japanese to receive reparations for their losses.
Eminent African and Caribbean scholars such as Ali Mazrui, Dudley Thompson, Olusegun Obasanjo and others have argued for an international examination of the role the West played in the slave trade and the consequent underdevelopment of Africa. This is a laudable movement that should add to the intensity and seriousness of the internal discourse within the United States despite the distraction of Henry Louis Gates’ essay.
A strong sense of moral outrage has continued to activate the public in the interest of reparations. In early 2001 a lawsuit brought against the French National Railroad in the Eastern District of New York Court charged the Société Nationale des Chemins de Fer with transporting 72,000 Jews to death camps in August 1944. The case was brought to the court on behalf of the survivors and heirs. Another French court held that French banks that hoarded assets of Jews had to create a fund of 50 million dollars for those individuals with evidence of previous accounts (New York Times, June 13, 2001, A-14). Similarly, on May 30, 2001, the German Parliament cleared the way for a 4.5 billion dollar settlement by German companies and the government to survivors or heirs of more than one million forced laborers. This is in addition to much larger awards to Israel and the Jewish people for the holocaust itself. The Swiss government has agreed to pay 1.25 billion dollars to those Jewish persons who can establish claims on bank accounts appropriated during World War II.
Whenever people have been deprived of their labor, freedom, or life without cause, except their race, ethnicity, or religion, as a matter of group or national policy, then they should be compensated for their loss (Karenga, 2002). In the case of the Africans in the American colonies and the United States, the policy and practice of the ruling white majority in the country was to enslave only Africans after the 1640s. Prior to that time there had been some whites who had been indentured as servants and some native peoples who were pressed into slavery. However, from the middle of the 17th century to 1865, only Africans were enslaved as a matter of race and ethnic origin (Schuchter, 1970, pp. 210-211).
A growing consensus suggests that some form of reparations for past injustice on a large scale should not be swept under the table (Robinson, 2000; Winbush, 2003). We have accepted the broad idea of justice and fair play in such massive cases of group deprivation and loss; we cannot change the language or the terms of our contemporary response to acts of past injustice. Our recognition of reparations in numerous other cases, including the Rosewood, Florida and the Tulsa, Oklahoma, burning and bombing of African American communities in the early l920s, means that we must continue to right the wrongs of the past so that our current relationships will improve.
Africans did not enslave themselves in the Americas. The European Slave Trade was not an African enterprise, it was preeminently and solely a European enterprise in all of its dimensions: conception, insurance, outfitting of ships, sailors, factories, shackles, weapons, kidnapping, and the selling and buying of people in the Americas. Not one African can be named as an equal partner with Europeans in the slave trade. Indeed, no African person or people benefited economically to the degree that Europeans did from the commerce in African people. I think it is important to reiterate that no African community used slavery as its principal mode of economic production.
Slavery was not a romantic system; it was evil, ferocious, brutal, and corrupting in all of its aspects. It was developed in its greatest degree of degradation in the United States. The enslaved African was treated with utter disrespect. No laws protected the African from any cruelty the white master could conceive. The man, woman, or child was at the complete mercy of the most brutish of people. For looking a white man in the eye the enslaved person could have his or her eyes blinded with hot irons. For speaking up in defense of a wife or woman a man could have his right hand severed. For defending his right to speak against oppression, an African could have half his tongue cut out. For running away and being caught an enslaved African could have his or her Achilles tendon cut. For resisting the advances of her white master a woman could be given fifty lashes of the cow-hide whip. A woman who physically fought against her master's sexual advances was courting death, and many died at the hands of their masters. The enslaved African was more often than not physically scarred, crippled, or injured because of some brutal act of the slave owner.
Among the punishments that were favored by the slave owners were whipping holes where the enslaved was buried in the ground up to the neck, dragging blocks that were attached to the feet of men or women who had run away and been caught, mutilation of the toes and fingers, the pouring of hot wax onto the limbs, and passing a piece of hot wood on the buttocks of the enslaved. Death came to the enslaved in vile, crude ways when the anger of the psychopathic slave owner wanted to teach other enslaved Africans a lesson. The enslaved person could be roasted over a slow burning fire, left to die after having both legs and both arms broken, oiled and greased and then set afire while hanging from a tree's limb, or being killed slowly as the slave owner cut the enslaved person's phallus or breasts. A person could be placed on the ground, stomach first, stretched so that each hand was tied to a pole and each foot was tied to a pole. Then the slave master would beat the person's naked body until the flesh was torn off of the buttocks and the blood ran down to the ground.
I have written this brief description to insure the reader that we are not talking about "mint juleps and Sunday afternoon teas" with happy Africans running around the plantation while white people sang and danced. Africans on the plantations were often sullen, difficult as far as the whites were concerned, hypocritical because they would smile on command and frown when they left the white person's presence, and plotting.
Reparations for the most massive rape of a continent for the service of another should not even be a question for a moral society. Our moral conscience should demand reparations immediately. It is not even a matter of the numbers and that is why I will not enter the debate over Phil Curtin's numbers, except to say that I find the numbers quite conservative given the estimates made by other scholars and given the fact that Curtin has demonstrated a penchant for minimizing African agency. Curtin's estimate of the number of Africans brought to the Americas is 15 million. The figure has reached as high as 100 million in the estimation of some scholars such as W. E. B. Du Bois and John Henrik Clarke. I believe that the numbers are only important to ascertain just how deeply the European Slave Trade affected the continental African economic, social, physical, and cultural character. However, for purposes of reparations the numbers are not necessary since there can be no adequate compensation for the enslavement and its consequences. The broad outline of the facts is clear and accepted by most historians. We know for instance that the numbers of Africans who landed in Jamaica and Brazil were different from those of Haiti and the United States. Yet the establishment of concrete numbers, that is, workable numbers in these cases and in the United States, is rather easy. I believe it is necessary to ascertain something more about the nature of the African's arrival in the American nation.
What I mean is that at the end of the Civil War in l865 there were about 4 and a half million Africans in the United States which means that there had been a steady flow of Africans into the American nation since the 17th century. These Africans and their descendants constitute the proper plaintiffs in the reparation case. Hundreds of thousands of Africans labored and died under the reign of enslavement without leaving any direct descendants. We cannot adequately account for these lost numbers but we can account for most of those who survived the Civil War and their heirs. In fact, some of the l87,000 who fought in the Civil War did not survive, but their descendants survived. These also constitute a body of individuals who must be brought into the discussion of reparations. Thus, two classes of people, those who survived after the Civil War and their heirs and those who fought and died in the Civil War and their heirs are legitimate candidates for reparations. Indeed, the consequences of the residual effects of the enslavement must be figured in any compensation.
One of the issues that must be dealt with is, how is loss to be determined? Since millions of Africans were transported across the sea and enslaved in the Caribbean and the Americas for more than two centuries, what method of calculating loss will be employed? It seems to me that loss must be determined using a multiplicity of measures suited to the variety of deprivations that were experienced by the African people. Yet the overarching principle for establishing loss might be determined by ascertaining the negative effects on the natural development of people. What this means to me is that the physical, psychological, economic, and educational toll must be evaluated. What were the fundamental ways in which the enslavement of Africans undermined not only the contemporary lifestyles and chances of the people but also destroyed the potentialities for their posterity? I believe all of the issues of educational deficit, economic instability, poor health conditions, and the lack of estate wealth are directly related to the previous conditions of Africans in this system. Nothing can produce a collective national will but a redressing of the enslavement of African people (Mazama, 2003).
Given the fact that African Americans constitute the largest single ethnic-cultural grouping in the United States and will maintain this position into the future, reparations for the enslavement of Africans will have positive benefits on the American nation. African Americans number approximately 40 million people. Occasionally one reads in the newspaper that the Hispanic or Latino population will soon outstrip the African population in the United States. This is an imprecise way of rendering statistics based on the United States census. While it is true that taken together in the aggregate the number of Spanish speaking Americans will soon outnumber the absolute number of African Americans. However, this is misleading because the Spanish speaking population includes more than twenty different national origin groups, plus individuals who identify with African, Caucasian, and Native American heritages. One finds, for example, among the Spanish-speaking population people from Mexico, Cuba, Puerto Rico, Dominican Republic, El Salvador, Honduras, Costa Rica, and numerous South American countries. Many of these people will self-identify as white; others will self-identify as black or African.
Africans are an indispensable part of the American nation: history, culture, philosophies, mission, and potential. It is insane to speak of America without the African presence and yet the deeper we get into the future the more important the nature of the relationship of Africans to the body politic will become. Reparations would insure: (1) recognition of the Africans' loss, (2) compensation for the loss, (3) psychological relief for both blacks and whites in terms of guilt and anger, and (4) national unity based on a stronger political will. These are intrinsic values of reparations.
Toward a Basis for Reparations
Reparations are always based on real loss, not perceived loss. Human beings must have been moved completely off of their own terms and against their wills forcibly and without mercy in order for reparations to be required. Take the case of the Japanese Americans who were taken from their homes in California and other western states during World War II. They were removed against their wills from their homes, their property confiscated and their children taken out of schools. The Japanese Americans lost in real terms and were consequently able to make the case for reparations. Their case was legitimate and it was correct for America to respond to the injustice that had been done to the Japanese Americans.
The case of the Africans in America has some of the same characteristics, but in many ways is different and yet equally significant as far as real loss is concerned. What is similar is the uprooting of Africans against their wills by a people who had determined that the African people were the natural target for human slavery. Also similar is the definition that whites created for Africans as culturally and intellectually inferiors. From this standpoint it was easy to brutalize, humiliate, and enslave Africans since, as whites had argued, blacks were inferior in every way. What is different about the reparations case for African Americans is that it is much larger than the Japanese American situation, it has far more implications for historical transformation of the American society, and it is rooted in the legal foundations of the country. I think it is possible to argue for reparations on the following grounds: (1) Forced migration, (2) Forced deprivation of culture, (3) Forced labor, and (4) Forced deprivation of wealth by segregation and racism. However, these four constituents of the argument for reparations are buttressed by several significant factors that emerged from the experience of the enslaved Africans. In the first place , Africans often lost their freedom because of their age. Most of the Africans who were robbed from the continent of Africa were between the ages of 15-20 years.
This was therefore the robbery of prime youth. A second factor is based on the loss of innocence where abuse, physical, psychological, and sexual, was the order of the day in the life of the enslaved African (Williams, 1961, James, 1998). Thirdly, one has to consider the loss in transit that derived from coffles and the long marches, the dreaded factories where Africans were held sometimes as long as seven months while the Europeans waited for a transport ship, and the severe loss of life in transit where death on board the ships or in the sea further deprived a people. Fourthly, the factor of loss due to maimed limbs, that is, the deprivation of feet, Achilles tendons, and hands.
Thus, to have freedom, will, culture, religion, and health denied and deprived is to create the most thorough conditions for loss. The Africans who were enslaved in America were among the most deprived humans in history. It is no wonder that David Walker wrote in 1829 that the enslaved Africans were "the most abject" people in the world. The corollary to that statement was that "the White Christian Americans" were the most cruel and barbarous people who have ever lived.
One way to approach the issue of reparations is to speak about money but not necessarily about cash. Reparations will cost; it is not free. But it will not have to be the doling out of billions of dollars of cash to individuals although it will cost billions of dollars. While the delivery of money for other than cash distributions is difference from most other reparations agreements, it is possible for reparations to be advanced in the United States by a number of other options. Among the potential options are educational grants, health care, land or property grants, and a combination of such grants. Any reparation remedy should deal with long-term issues in the African American community rather than be a one-time cash payout. What I have argued for is the establishment of some type of organization that would evaluate how reparations would be determined and distributed. For example, the National Commission of African Americans would be the over-arching national organization to serve as the clearinghouse for reparations.
The National Commission on African Americans would interrogate the reparations as a more authentic way of bringing the national moral conscience to bear on the education of African Americans. Rather than begin in a vacuum, the NCAA would consider various sectors of society, education, health and welfare, or economics and see how Africans were deprived by two and a half centuries of enslavement. For example, by the time Africans were freed from bondage in l865, whites had claimed all land stretching from sea to sea, and had just about finished the systematic "cleansing" of Native Americans from the land, pushing thousands to Oklahoma in the Trail of Tears or as in the case of the Oneida to Wisconsin in a trail of sorrow. Furthermore, there were already 500 colleges teaching white students a white self-esteem curriculum, this during a time when it was a crime for Africans to learn and illegal for whites to teach Africans to read or to write. One likely answer to the reparations issue is free public and private education to all descendants of enslaved Africans for the next one hundred and twenty three years, half the time Africans worked in this country for free. Students who qualified for college would be admitted and have all of their expenses covered by the government. Those who qualified for private schools would get government vouchers to cover the costs of their education.
The present educational deficit is not an individual deficit but a collective and national deficit. This is not the same as saying that Kim Su or Ted Vaclav came to this country and could not read, but they made it. Immigrants who choose to come to America are in no ways enslaved and they have different orientations and reasons for their own lives and support, even if only emotionally, from their countries of origin and often find here in the United States sympathetic citizens. What Gates failed to acknowledge was that our coming was different and our struggle was epic because we were brought on slave ships and often worked nearly to death and where we did not die we wrote elegant and passionate phrases in our hearts and minds about justice and love. We African Americans are the children of the ones who could not be killed by the sun- produced heat-strokes, the bitter cold that gave us frostbitten hands and feet, the overseers lashes, the lynch mob's ropes, the stone thrower's venom, the bloodhounds' pursuits, or the petty violence of verbal, cultural, and emotional abuse.
Despite the curious attempt to claim for all Americans the same heritage and the same history, the record of the country speaks for itself. Henry Gates may try to claim that the culpability is the same or similar but he is totally off-track. Whether we speak of the kidnapping of Africans or the enslavement and segregation experiences, we are talking about something characteristically different from anything that can be laid at the feet of Africans. The debt increases each day that it is not paid. From education to prison, the evidence of racial bias in interpretation of data as well as in the data themselves show that African Americans have been treated unfairly due largely to the previous condition of servitude. Thus we have been underdeveloped by the very society that supposedly set us free.
The bottom-line in race relations in the United States is the unresolved issues surrounding the institution of slavery. At the root of this irresolution is the belief that Africans are inferior to whites and therefore do not deserve compensation for labor or anything else. Indeed, it is this feeling that fuels the attacks on reparations for Africans as well. How whites feel about the condition of servitude forced on blacks and how we feel about that condition or how we feel about the attachment of whites to the perpetration of that condition are the central issues affecting race relations in this nation. Once we have overcome the problem of slavery we will have discovered the basis for reparations and indeed the end of guilt and anger.
Molefi Kete Asante, (2007) The History of Africa. London: Routledge.
New York Times, June 13, 2001, A-14.
C. L. R. James, (1998) The Black Jacobins. New York: Vintage.
Maulana Karenga, (2002) Introduction to Black Studies. Los Angeles: University of Sankore Press.
Ama Mazama, ed., (2003)The Afrocentric Paradigm. Trenton: Africa World Press.
Randall Robinson (2000) The Debt: What America Owes to Blacks. New York: Dutton.
Arnold Schuchter (1970) Reparations: The Black Manifesto and Its Challenge. Philadelphia: Lippincott.
Eric Williams (1961) Capitalism and Slavery. New York: Russell and Russell.
Raymond Winbush, ed., (2003) Should America Pay? Slavery and the Raging Debate over Reparations. New York: Harper Books.
Molefi Kete Asante is the author of The History of Africa and 70 additional books on African and African American history.
|Posted by Thulasizwe Somdyala on March 17, 2015 at 6:45 AM||comments (0)|
You can wipe out an entire generation, you can burn their homes to the ground and somehow they’ll still find their way back. But if you destroy their history, you destroy their achievements, then it’s as if they never existed.
You can add this to the long list of Hitler’s failures; he tried to take something that can never be his. The story of lives painted on canvas or hedged in stone.
The above quotes are from Frank Stokes (George Clooney) from the movie, The Monuments Men. A group of art crusaders with capes on on a mission to save heritage from the ruins of war. Described in the movie as the greatest treasure hunt in western history, (Africa? The Americas? That’s not the greatest treasure hunt? Aight) Hitler planned to wipe out the existence of his enemies by stealing their heritage which is globally preserved in art, leaving his victims with no sense of -ness; no sense of who they are but lost souls with no map of home. Resulting in a slave who does not have an identity; no roots to trace their branches back to nor soil to call their own and so their seeds hardly grow. The exploitation of culture without ownership is what I will be engaging with and how it is the diagnosis for every African/Black problem we faced with.
An identity is how someone expresses who they are. In society every form of expression has gone through the process of commoditisation, packaged and sealed to be sold as a certain percentage of your identity. The clothes you identify with, music you support, food you eat, mode of transport you use; basically everything. Thus in a commoditised world, ownership of culture is the greatest commodity, your ability to sell and keep the culture’s authenticity lies with the gatekeeper. As Blacks we have been stripped and locked up for so long that we do not know how to open our own doors anymore. There is a huge investment in foreign products and a non-existent state of development and support of local culture. Let me rewind for a minute and progress to where we are now where liberal Blacks keep selling us as cheap labour because they do not wish to conserve and enrich who they are (I am actually quite mad about this).
There was a time when we had our own sense of life, cultivated by the environment we called home and strengthened by our ability to survive and master the environment. That brought certain norms and principles that illuminated our strengths and characterised our structure and thinking. Foreign men then came with external forces whose power conquered us and made us into side cultural projects, starting the slate clean by destroying our beliefs, destroying our language, destroying our women and theft of our homes and wealth. What resulted was a slave with no identity but a new foreign concept of life. They were oppressed by reformations imposed of learning and unlearning guised as civilisation and getting cultured into something new that they should aspire to become but will never be. So what was created in Black culture was self-hate and what ingrained that state of mind was loss of ownership; we stopped owning ourselves. A submissive nature was fashioned by the new environment of slavery, where agony was compensated by the idea of being happy with the little you received; the “it could be worse” rhetoric of submissiveness found its roots. This foreign culture of domination lay as fundamental thinking of a capitalist and liberal thinking society. The principles of exploitation of the majority and the protection of the minority, maximisation of profit resulting in the need of cheap labour, the opening of the market with no protection of local produce so the powerful can scramble for a share in the faux name of competition. Neo-colonisation/slavery= capitalism.
Bringing the Concepts Closer Home
The difference between the exported slave into The Americas and those stationed at home, is that the African slave has a map of home and can still root their existence free from slavery. However, since a slave is a slave, the mentality and ways to puppet the show remain the same across both sides of the Atlantic. During the unmasked period of slavery, Negroes were picking cotton in the field for an establishment they had no relation of meeting the same end. They were merely accessories, something you forget and replace- whose value is really measured in how they make you look but there are a hundred accessories so you can dispose and try a new one as you please. But at times you find one accessory that you really like and you try to mould it into your outfit, you see something different in it; “it’s not like the others,” you say to yourself. Those accessories hardly leave the house, you afraid they could get lost in the field.
The analogy of the accessory illustrates what a House Negro is; works with the outfit, different from the Field Negroes but they share a common struggle of lack of ownership and a common humanity (they are both still accessories). Nothing much has changed from those days, history often repeats itself rather than pull stunts. What we have now is a case of neo-slavery led by multi-national corporations (the West) and Black liberals (House Negroes). In the same vein that our kings sold men and women into slavery when Whites could not go on capture sprees (modern day economic assassins and coup sponsoring), our presidents and their administrations continue to sell us off as cheap labour to foreign companies they allow to setup shop in our land without enforcing local ownership and local beneficiation of goods. Workers continue to slave nine-to-five with no relation of a common end; milking, milking away the African cash cow. The collaborated effort of cultural exploitation without ownership between our liberal democratic governments and the West lays root to every form of bondage we experience. We have no foot to stand on, no authority, no voice.
Ownership allows you to keep the original idea in its truest form, create checks and balances of authenticity, market it in its truest light and when sold it illuminates the idea and identity of the owners and benefits its subjects that it underlines. In South Africa (name never changed to Azania, we still occupied fam) we do not own and have no control of our sovereign state. We more like a looters for all club and an advanced refreshment station (the Chinese government is building their own city here now, nci nci). There is this propaganda that has been enshrined about our need for foreign investors to dictate the terms of acquiring a product they do not own, putting those needs God over the interests of local investment and products that should be aided and used to trade across the proposed global village.
I had a friend stay with me from Germany on his visit to South Africa and in conversation it came up that if you unemployed in Germany the state takes care of you, €4 000 (R52 000) to sustain a humane livelihood per month. I was in awe, not shocked though, the thought that stayed in mind was, “Damn, that’s a really good salary here.” While showering I noticed he used Nivea products too but his shampoo was written in German which made me wonder about the origins of Nivea, which I soon found out is a German company. Then everything clicked. Reason their government can ball out on their citizens is because I am out here supporting their lifestyles. I began to realise that most of the things I own are foreign products like we some form of dumping ground and I realised the sole purpose of my capital is to sponsor how good someone else looks without the beneficiation of my own look. Eish, I am still an accessory.
A pawn’s only purpose is completely suicidal –Terrence Thornton
The deeper I looked; I found the biggest problem is we do not own our education and the principles of a cultural side project are still protected and maintained. We still taught from a perspective of the coloniser, being fed oppressive and inferior outlooks of who we are; crusaders who are trying to save our heritage from the ruins of white supremacy (racism) are marginalised in the peripherals. The means of production of knowledge is not owned by us, halting the re-root to whom we are. The laws that govern us are Roman-Dutch, leaving the cultural beliefs that constitute engagement amongst each other to the same people that enslaved us. Again customary law is marginalised in the peripherals, left undeveloped to the modern climate resulting in a state where there is a void of an African identity in a system that is managing the African environment. Logically, if we still based on law that was never meant to serve us, how can we be protected, practise and develop our culture? I could go on for a minute; basically the entire system corrupt. We plugged in the matrix of liberal and capitalist ambitions which undermine who we are; the communalist nature of African thinking does not feature in our lifestyles and curriculum reason ubuntu is now baseless and has no feet to walk with in our society. Same reason when I am writing this article, Microsoft Word underlines Xhosa words red; it is not ours. It does not understand who we are. With the dots connected it is easier to comprehend how we have a “me-me” generation of Blacks who pursue individualistic causes away from the fibre of umntu ngumntu ngabantu, how African humanity is defined- we have lost our humanity and dignity- yep, we do not own that either. We only come together in the exploitation of each other in the liberal name of competition and march forward to serve foreign ideals of what we will never be.
Instead of worrying about how white people portray us and concerned how we portrayed to people who still continue to preserve the institutions that enslave us- let us build our own. Let us build our own schools that teach who we are, controlling the truth and authenticity and liberate our curriculum from the chains of colonial White thinking. Let us build modern thatch roof houses, modern African architecture and be proud of our homes. Let us develop our arts and culture; music, food, clothing, fine arts- African stories must be put forward in every medium of art- let us progress it and trade it as an authentic product with other global citizens. Let us own our media, a powerful educational tool that is used currently to maintain racism and inferior complexes, again, let us tell our story. Let us own our minerals and resources, create our own products to trade with and not merely use labour as our sense of wealth/worth. Black liberals are probably the most advanced and ingenious Trojan Horses ever created, let us free our brothers and sisters from their chains of self-hate and build together; we all we have. The Western modern world was built by our labour- blood, sweat and tears- as much as we should lay claim to everything, let us build our own.
He who feeds you, controls you. –Thomas Sankara
Hunger is not loyal.
Shout out to Ian Mangenga for the edits, I see you.
|Posted by Unclaimed Money on March 17, 2015 at 12:25 AM||comments (0)|
My question has been answered in this video. I cherish the African proverb of long ago, When a stranger comes knocking, do not open door, ask who is it, and what do they want! There is a motive for a stranger to knock on your door.
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=va4V1SA2eyk" target="_blank" rel="nofollow">David Icke & Credo Mutwa -- The Reptilian Agenda (Part Two)
Thank you Credo & David
|Posted by Jeffrey Brown on March 16, 2015 at 9:00 AM||comments (0)|
I have a vision of creating an online supplemental camp with an Afro-centric focus to expand on the ideas presented during Kwanzaa as well as during February (Black History Month). This camp would, by teaching about the academic accomplishments of African-Americans through reading Afro-centric history, cultural work and literature, reduce the reading achievement gap, as well as build a sense of pride in students to work and achieve.